Ladies and gentlemen, it is a great privilege for me to welcome you to the first full Conference of the Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists.
Here in this room are 120 representatives of Centre-Right parties from 26 countries.
We come from different places, we bring different perspectives, but we are united by our beliefs:
Free people, free markets, free nations.
Let me start by thanking the AECR Board members who have put this meeting together:
Jan Zahradil, Daniel Hannan, Geoffrey Clifton-Brown and Adam Bielan.
And above all: let me thank all of you.
Now, I take this alliance very seriously.
You and I want the same things.
Like me, you want serious reform of the European Union.
Like me, you believe in lower taxation, less regulation and smaller governments.
And like me, you believe the family is the bedrock of society.
That is why I am so proud to support the AECR – and I’ve backed you right from the very moment I became Chairman of the Conservative Party.
My first foreign trip as Chairman was to attend the very first AECR Council Meeting in Warsaw.
I have attended every Council meeting since.
And together with Geoffrey Van Orden, I give a lot of time and energy to spreading our message and recruiting new AECR members.
So the message from the Conservative Party is clear: we don’t just believe in this alliance, we’re investing time and energy in the project.
This isn’t some alliance of convenience.
This is an amazing opportunity to recast Europe and realign the EU with the wishes and needs of its citizens.
DETRACTORS
But of course, things haven’t always been easy.
When the alliance was set up they said we were crazy.
Just remember what they said about this group.
They said it wouldn’t last.
They said no-one would join it.
They said it wouldn’t be taken seriously.
But today we are a serious, mainstream alliance.
We have grown in strength and numbers over the last two years.
And we’re promoting our cause and fighting our corner.
So the ECR Group in the European Parliament have helped get President Barroso re-elected, in the teeth of opposition from the left.
We’ve stood almost alone against EU Budget increases.
And we’ve led the calls for EU reform.
At the same time the AECR has gone from strength to strength.
In the last year, two more parties have signed up.
More potential members are on the horizon.
And we have taken our agenda across the continent – debating tax in Warsaw, austerity in Riga and Balkan ties at the Croatia conference.
A string of successes – and that’s in only two years.
TRIUMPH OF VALUES
But our biggest success is the triumph of our values.
I heard them say on the news the other day: ‘who foresaw the crisis in Europe?’
Well, we did.
We said the EU should curb waste and bureaucracy.
We said Europe should be more democratically accountable.
Above all, fiscal responsibility and sound finances are in our DNA.
And more and more people agree.
Thanks to the AECR, there is for the first time a confederation of mainstream parties who want to rebalance powers.
Until two years ago, there was no organised force in the EU that challenged the status quo.
Every group in the European Parliament – the Communists, the Greens, the Socialists, the Liberals and the Christian Democrats – supported federalism.
They all wanted a federal foreign policy, a federal immigration policy, a federal tax policy.
Now we have broken their cartel.
No longer does the status quo command widespread support.
No longer does ever-closer union seem inevitable.
And now more people are buying into our vision of a new and different Europe.
A Europe which goes with the grain of our national traditions, and respects the loyalties we feel for our home countries.
In the words of my good friend Daniel Hannan: “a Europe of nations, not a nation of Europe”.
Here’s what I believe that means:
We want to see powers devolved to the lowest level – to councils, communities, individual citizens.
We believe the EU budget should reflect what’s happening to national budgets when we are all making economies at home.
Above all, we know that the answer to Europe’s debt crisis is not more debt.
I am proud of the steps my Party in Britain have taken to bring about change to the EU.
By bringing in a new referendum lock, we have given people a veto over the handover of future powers to Brussels.
By putting in place a new sovereignty clause, we’re making clear that ultimate power lies in Britain – not in Europe.
And by getting out of the EU bailout mechanism, we have made a start on our plan to bring back powers from Brussels to Britain.
But making these changes does not make us anti-European.
Now is not the time to turn our backs on our friends.
We must continue the work we have started together.
This is the work that Margaret Thatcher began, bringing about growth through a competitive single market.
And that must be our mission today.
WILLIAM HAGUE
And with that, it is my great pleasure to introduce a man who is leading this mission.
A man who fought a campaign about being in Europe but not run by Europe.
He was criticised – but he was right.
As we stand here today with the Eurozone in crisis, we know he called it exactly right on the Euro.
He knew then – as we see now – there are fundamental flaws in monetary union.
Thanks to his courage, and that of millions of this country, Britain is in a much stronger position today.
Ladies and gentlemen, please join me in welcoming out Foreign Secretary, William Hague.
Sunday, 2nd October 2011
A year ago we met as one party with one purpose.To work together in the national interest.
Things were different.We had a coalition government.
We were in uncharted territory and we faced uncertain times.
But our commitment to the British people was unbreakable.
And today, Conference, as we meet with stock markets falling, the US economy stalling,
And tough times in the Eurozone, we are giving Britain the leadership she needs.
This government – this coalition government – is showing determined, responsible, political will.
Making the tough calls. Rolling up our sleeves. And dealing with our debts.
So Conference, let me tell you: last year I promised we would get to grips with the deficit.
And this year: I promise you, we are sticking to it.
NEXT GENERATION
Now I know that up and down the country people are facing tough times.
Families are making sacrifices: not having holidays, doing extra shifts, switching from buying fresh to frozen and thinking twice before they take the car for that journey
And as winter approaches, families are thinking how high are those bills going to be?
I know how that feels.
My father lost his job, he too faced unemployment.
And yes, it was tough, yes life seemed difficult.
But ask every parent, every mother, every father, every family.
Give them the choice: the good life now…max out your credit cards…live beyond your means
Or a stable, secure future for your children.
They would choose children.
We would choose children.
And this government is building for tomorrow as well as today.
We’re protecting the NHS.
Lifting the poorest out of tax.
Reforming schools to give kids the best possible start in life.
And by getting people off benefits and into work
We’re restoring people’s dignity and hope.
But at the same time we’re doing something fundamental:
Making sure this generation does not bankrupt the next!
Not saddling them with our debts
Not maxing out the country’s credit card.
But building a better future for our children.
SOMETHING FOR NOTHING
That’s the leadership we are showing for Britain.
But Conference, we all know what leadership is not.
Ed Miliband and the Labour Party.
So let me read you my favourite bits from Ed Miliband’s speech last week.
“Over the last few years we’ve seen a series of crises hitting our country.”
I agree with that.
“We’ve seen decent people with the right values losing out to those with the wrong ones.”
I agree with that.
“An economy and a society too often rewarding not the right people with the right values, but the wrong people with the wrong values.”
I really agree with that.
And he goes on:
“A something for nothing culture.”
“Take what you can.
“Fill your boots”
“Who cares as long as you can get away it”
Well we all agree with all of that:
But I ask this:
Mr. Miliband if you truly believe what you say:
Where on earth have you been for the last thirteen years??
It’s your government that created the something for nothing culture!
It’s your Party that took out more than you put in!
And it’s you who gave us a welfare system where it doesn’t pay to work
So let me tell you what I think the something for nothing culture is:
Pensioners who need care being forced to sell their homes.
Hardworking people earning less than those who play the system.
Head teachers not being able to expel disruptive pupils.
A tax system that penalises single mothers for getting a part time job.
People on housing benefit living in houses that hardworking families cannot afford.
Bogus colleges being used for immigration scams.
Squatters getting legal aid.
And do you know what the worst example is?
Reckless, irresponsible, self-interested, politicians spending millions of pounds we do not have and saddling our kids with the bills.
That’s what I call an unfair, freeloading, something for nothing culture.
And it’s them, it’s Labour that created it!
STRONG LEADERSHIP
The point about politics is it’s so easy to duck the difficult decisions.
It’s so tempting to say: “let’s leave this for the next lot to sort out”.
It would be the simplest thing in the world to say to all those protestors outside:
“You know what, let’s just carry on spending money we do not have”.
But that is not what I call Leadership.
That is the politics of convenience.
Leadership means doing the right thing even when it’s unpopular.
Leadership is being straight with people…not telling them what they want to hear.
And it means putting party politics aside….and working for the long-term good of the country.
Labour never got this in government
And they haven’t even learnt it in opposition
They play to the gallery.
Jump on every bandwagon.
Say one thing and do another
But let me tell them what the real irony is:
In the end, it just doesn’t wash.
The British people see right through it.
Look at the local elections.
Everyone said the voters would punish us.
The pundits said we’d lose a thousand seats.
But we didn’t
We made gains.
We increased our councillors.
We won new councils.
All because you went out and told it as it is.
PARTY PROMISES
Now I’m not saying things have always been easy for our Party.
Things didn’t look so rosy when Conservative HQ was under siege.
That November day when some students paid us a visit.
Surrounded our offices.
And kicked off their demo.
But it’s the job of the chairman to stay calm in a crisis.
So we locked down the office, we protected the picture of Her Majesty, we prepared to defend the statue of Lady T.
It was at that point I got a phone call from Korea.
It was the Prime Minister at the G20.
He said: “Hi Sayeeda, is everything ok?”
I said: “fine Prime Minister, everything is under control”.
He said: “That’s not how it looks on Korean TV!
“….I see protestors on the roof, and fires in the reception.”
I replied: “Oh no Prime Minister, that’s just propaganda, you know what Korean State TV is like”
“Sayeeda, cut the nonsense, I’m in South Korea.”
And as a Party, let me tell you what we delivered this year.
First, we defeated AV.
I knew it was wrong.
You knew it was wrong.
I said we would fight it.
I called it the mother of elections.
An election that would affect every single general election to come.
And Conference, this party delivered the mother of all results.
And do you know how we did it?
Because we were a strong, powerful, united Party.
We worked together as part of one team.
And in the last twelve months, whether it’s the Policy Forum; the Office of the Voluntary Party; better websites; a big membership drive; new support for sitting MPs – everything has been geared to bringing us together.
So when Vince Cable, Dr. Cable tells us that we are a “ruthless, tribal and calculating” campaign machine –
We know we are doing something right!
So let’s gets on to next year.
Now I believe in Boris.
I believe he is a great mayor for a great city.
On crime, on transport, on cutting waste in City Hall, Boris is delivering for London.
What’s more, I like working with him
I love campaigning with him
So we will do whatever it takes to make sure he wins!
Because, as the world descends on London next year
as we host the Olympics and celebrate the Jubilee
can you imagine if Red Ken is the face we present to the world?!
Plus, next year we’ve got another set of local elections.
So let’s get out there.
Win those Council seats.
Win those metropolitan councils
And let’s back Boris to win!
Now I know I sometimes say things that get me in trouble.
But let me let you in on something.
As proud as I am of the Coalition, as charming as Chris Huhne is to me –
I have a single driving ambition as Chairman of this Party:
To win an outright Conservative Majority in 2015.
Now if that didn’t ruffle a few feathers let me say something else.
Winning an outright majority in 2015 means we must win in all parts of Britain as it is today.
That means reaching out and connecting and attracting people from every corner of the country and every community.
It means broadening and widening and deepening our appeal.
It means we’ve got to speak to every kind of person from every kind of background.
That is the challenge David Cameron set when he became leader.
He said it’s not enough simply to say: the door is open.
We must walk out and welcome new people in.
Britain is changing and we must keep changing.
Adapting and reaching out.
Not in the way that the Left do.
Not by Labour’s cynical pandering.
But by saying loudly and proudly that our values are the values of Britain’s communities.
So today I make this appeal:
To every person in this land
To every Christian, Hindu, Jew, Sikh and Muslim…
To people of all faiths and of none
To every person, Black, White or Brown
Of every culture, every community, every sexuality, able or disabled
Every class and every creed
Join the Party that attracted me.
This is the modern, Compassionate Conservative Party.
A Party that’s open, that’s inclusive, that’s welcoming.
That believes in what you believe.
Hard work. Fair Play.
Respect for your Elders. Support for the family
Hand ups, not hand outs.
A belief in opportunity
Where every child has the chance to succeed.
A belief in fairness
Where those with the broadest shoulders share the biggest burden.
And a belief in responsibility
Where you reap what you sow.
If you share that vision
Sign up to our mission.
Because I want every community to make this Party its home.
So broadening our appeal.
Backing Boris.
Winning in the cities.
Growing our grassroots across England, Scotland, Northern Ireland and Wales.
All these things are vital for 2015.
And that starts now.
Every pound we raise.
Every pound we spend.
Every leaflet we deliver.
Every call we make.
Every candidate we select.
Every member we take.
It’s all about 2015.
Because if we truly want a Compassionate Conservative Britain governed by Compassionate Conservative Party
Then in 2015 you, me, we must deliver an outright Conservative majority.
Thank you.
Baroness Warsi – Srebrenica Speech 11 July 2011
(Check against delivery)
We are here on this sad occasion to mark the sixteenth anniversary of the worst atrocity in Europe in recent memory.
Today we remember more than eight thousand Bosniak men and boys killed on this soil during the genocide of 1995.
Later today, more than six hundred burials will take place across the street at the Potočari memorial cemetery.
Many of the families burying their loved ones have spent more than a decade seeking the truth about their deaths.
My thoughts, those of my Government and of the whole international community are with these people today.
Those who were killed, those who suffered and all those who lost loved ones.
Srebrenica is a name that now resonates around the world as a lesson in the consequences of unchecked evil.
But we must never lose sight of the fact that the genocide at Srebrenica is about the massacre of individuals…
…each of them mourned by friends, families and loved ones.
The victims must not and will not ever be forgotten. Today is above all about them.
Today is also an occasion to restate our commitment to justice for those responsible for war crimes.
The path to justice can be slow and painful. It requires determination, commitment and perseverance.
And when it is finally achieved, justice can reawaken painful memories.
Sadly it is not an instant cure for grief and mourning. But it is essential if the wounds of the past are to begin to be healed.
With this in mind, the arrest of Ratko Mladic this May was a very important moment.
After more than fifteen years as a fugitive…,
… Mladic is now facing international justice in The Hague, where he stands accused of war crimes…,
… crimes against humanity and genocide.
This process shows clearly that there is no expiry date on the most terrible of crimes.
The UK government and the whole international community will be unflinching in our commitment to bringing to justice those accused of committing such crimes.
Mladic’s arrest serves also as a warning to members of other regimes around the world who may be considering committing atrocities:
… they will not be able to hide from justice.
The UK has long been a strong supporter of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and of the Prosecutor’s work.
We commend the Court on its work to date and give it our full support in current and forthcoming trials.
It is important to remember that this process is not yet complete.
One fugitive, Goran Hadzic, is still at large and must be found.
We urge all countries of this region to co-operate fully with the Tribunal…
…and fulfil their obligations under international law to bring Hadzic too, to justice.
We also call on all countries of the former Yugoslavia to work to ensure that others responsible for war crimes are brought to justice through domestic legal processes.
As well as memory and justice, today is also about the future.
While the judicial process cannot and will not ever compensate the bereaved for the losses they have sustained…,
… we hope that the capture of Ratko Mladic will allow the families of the victims to find some relief.
We hope it can mark a turning point and the start of a new chapter of co-operation and progress in the Western Balkans.
Some of this has already begun.
My Government welcomed the resolution on Srebrenica passed last March by the Serbian Parliament…
… as a positive first step on the path towards reconciliation…,
… as well as recent high-level contacts between the political leaders of this region.
We hope that these political initiatives will continue and intensify.
The genocide at Srebrenica teaches us an important lesson.
It is a lesson to us about the tragic consequences of a passive response in the face of evil.
We have a duty to learn this lesson and to propagate it.
And that is why I think it is so fitting that this year, as in past years, Srebrenica will host this Summer University…
… bringing together post-graduate students from all around the world to increase understanding about how such a terrible event was allowed to occur.
I strongly support this initiative which I believe honours those who lost their lives here.
And I believe that your studies can help ensure that such terrible events should never be repeated anywhere in the world.
To this year’s students I wish you a productive and insightful period of study here in Srebrenica.
I encourage you to draw on your studies here in your future work wherever and whatever that may be.
For our part, the UK Government’s vision for Bosnia and Herzegovina is of a single, stable, prosperous and reforming country…
… heading towards EU and NATO membership.
We want to see all the citizens of this country sharing in the many benefits that this will bring.
It is right that we look forwards, towards this goal.
But starting a new chapter does not mean forgetting the past.
And here I would like to end where I began.
Our thoughts today are with all those who suffered here and all who lost loved ones sixteen years ago.
They must not and will not ever be forgotten.
The Rt Hon Baroness Warsi, Thursday 30th June 2011
Speaking at the OIC Foreign Minister’s Conference as the first British Government Minister
(Check against delivery)
It is a great honour to be invited to speak at the OIC Foreign Minister’s Conference – the first time that a British Government Minister has ever had this privilege.
I am equally delighted to be here in Kazakhstan for the first time…
…a country as Chairman you told me when we met on Monday is home to the Samosa and Pilau Rice.
A fortnight ago I had the privilege to host His Excellency, Secretary-General Ihsanoglu, and his team, on their first official visit to the UK.
We held a number of meetings which included the Prime Minister David Cameron, the Foreign Secretary William Hague…
…and the Archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams, amongst others in a wide ranging programme.
We in Britain recognise the importance of building on our relationships with the Muslim world.
And that is why we have appointed a new Special Representative to the OIC to be based in Jeddah.
Our participation at this conference demonstrates that commitment. So thank you once again for giving us this opportunity.
CHALLENGES
Today we share many global challenges: economic uncertainty; global security; climate change and the continuing need to help the poorest in the world.
In today’s ever changing world, we can either face these challenges together,
..work together in unity with greater effectiveness, or as people we will grow apart.
And sadly there are extremists who would prefer just that.
There are those that claim that the West is at war with Islam.
Or that Islam has no place in the West. They claim Islam and Democracy do not mix, and will never mix.
As a British Cabinet Minister, as a British Muslim…
…as the daughter of immigrant, whose father came to the UK from Pakistan, who taught his children the value of education, who built a successful businesss…
…as someone who crosses those so-called insurmountable divides…
I am proud to say that nothing could be further from the truth.
And when we look at our actions overseas…
It is the largely Muslim civilians in Benghazi…
…who are demonstrating such a strong desire to live free of oppression and brutality…
…that spurred the international community into acting in their support and defence.
It is the largely Muslim people of Kabul and Helmand…
…who have suffered generations of war and destruction, who aspire simply for a better future, rather than conflict and bloodshed…
…that drives the international community’s commitment for a stable Afghanistan.
And it is the young Muslim women in the Punjab, and their dreams for an opportunity to learn…
…which drives the international communities investment in the Pakistani education system.
Your excellencies my story, the story of my country, the story of our actions overseas…
… categorically sends a resounding “no” to those who talk about a “clash of civilisations”
We face global challenges which we can be meet…
… if we work together in partnership.
A partnership based on trust, mutual respect and honesty.
ARAB SPRING
This year, will be remembered for the start of the Arab Spring.
For an awakening across the region.
For an answer to those who say the Middle East has no appetite for reform.
The seeds of democracy have been sown…
… and I recognise that of course it will take time before they flower.
Change is never easy. And real change will take time.
But one thing is certain. The type of change will differ in each country.
In each country it will take its own route;
it will find its own way; and it will be driven by the people in those countries.
No two democracies look the same.
In these uncertain times, the UK Government and the international community stands ready to work with the countries of the Middle East and North Africa in partnership…
…to build a more stable and prosperous future for the region.
Through our Arab Partnership, we will provide £110m to support political and economic reforms across the region.
Afghanistan
Your excellencies, the security challenge we face in Afghanistan will require a long-term enduring Partnership.
This partnership will require the contribution of ordinary Afghans, the contribution of regional allies, and the contribution of the international community.
My guarantee to you is this. We will stay the course in Afghanistan.
And although by 2015 UK forces will no longer be in a combat role or in the numbers they are now in Afghanistan…
…but the UK remains committed to a strong, long term partnership with Afghanistan based on diplomacy, trade and development.
We will continue to stand by the Afghan people in their difficult journey to reconciliation.
Most importantly we must recognize this is a long-term commitment.
There are no short term fixes.
We, alongside our allies, will build a Long Term Partnership with Afghanistan, giving our lasting support long after 2015.
PAKISTAN
This brings me to a country I know well.
A country I’ve visited 4 times in the last 12 months – most recently with the UK Prime Minister David Cameron in April.
Pakistan which is an important ally in the uk.
I recognise ordinary Pakistanis simply want an education, jobs and security.
They want to live their free from terror and bloodshed.
The UK’s unbreakable bond with Pakistan means we will stand with the nation during its difficult times.
That is why we have upgraded our relationship to an “enhanced partnership”.
That is why we have made Pakistan our Largest development partner. That is why we pledge to increase bilateral trade to 2.5bn per year.
That is why we have such strong co-operation against terrorism.
SPECIAL TIME IN HISTORY
Your Excellencies, this is a special time in history.
In the past we have been accused of only pursuing “transactional relationships”. But, today let recognise we believe in “lasting friendships”.
Let’s become strategic partners. Partners in trade. Partners in development. Partners in global security.
Let’s affirm our commitment to one another.
Your excellencies our destinies are intertwined. Our futures interlinked.
Travel, trade and new media have brought us closer together.
And I know when we work together, act together, we are on course to help solve some of the greatest challenges we face.
Let’s build a future for today and tomorrow. And build a world, better than the one we found.
So if there is a message I’d like you to take away today it is simply this.
In 2011, the UK didn’t come to this conference and simply say Assalamualaikum, she also said Nureedo An Matha aa Wana Ma aan.
Op-ed by Baroness Sayeeda Warsi.
This week, the prime minister and I visited Pakistan to mark a new chapter in the relationship between our governments and our peoples.
As Prime Minister Cameron said, this was a “Naya Aghaz”, forming an unbreakable bond of friendship between our two countries. As David Cameron explained, we want a strong relationship with a secure, prosperous, open and flourishing Pakistan. We want to strengthen that relationship, both now and in the long-term. As a British Cabinet Minister whose parents came from Pakistan, this was a very special moment for me – and something I’ve been waiting to hear for many years.
I believe a strong relationship requires frankness and honesty – not just on the issues affecting Pakistanis but also on issues that people talk about over chai. That starts with Libya. There are a number of myths that have been put out about the situation in Libya. The first is that this is somehow an attack on Islam. Nothing could be further from the truth. “Islam is a religion, observed peacefully and devoutly by over a billion people. So let’s give voice to those followers of Islam in our own countries.” Not my words, not the words of a British Muslim, but the words of the British prime minister earlier this year. The simple fact is that our action in Libya is backed by the United Nations and the Arab League. What’s more, we have taken action to protect people – predominantly Muslim people – from slaughter – just as we did in Kosovo over a decade ago. Nor will there be any foreign invasion. In fact, Arab nations like Qatar and the United Arab Emirates are actively contributing to the No Fly Zone.
The second argument is that the West is acting because of oil. This argument does not stack up. Why? For two reasons. First of all, Libya produces less than 2 per cent of the world’s oil – and much of the output can easily be made up elsewhere. And second, because the surest way of getting oil from Libya would have been cooperation and compromise to do a deal with Colonel Qaddafi.But instead, we took the difficult decision to stop Qaddafi.
The third myth is that Libya is like Iraq. As someone who marched against the Iraq War I can say categorically that this comparison is totally wrong. There are some fundamental differences.
First – the action in Libya is necessary. Colonel Qaddafi said himself that he was planning a violent assault on the rebels in Benghazi. He launched a brutal attack against his own people. He declared he would show ‘no mercy’ on the protestors he called ‘rats’. He threatened to hunt them down ‘door by door’. It could have been a massacre. The evidence emerging from Misurata, where Qaddafi has used tanks and artillery to shell people in their homes, hospitals and mosques, shows only too clearly why we needed to act, and act decisively.
Second – it’s legal. Unlike Iraq, this time we got that second UN resolution for military action. UN Security Council Resolution 1973 authorised ‘all necessary measures’ to protect the Libyan people. The mandate is clear, and it specifically excludes a “foreign occupation force”.
Third – it is the right thing to do. There are millions in the Arab world who want to know that the UN and the UK care about their suffering. The Arab League, with the backing of the African Union, and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, of which Pakistan is a member, called for international action to protect Libyan civilians. We answered that call. The international community cannot stand aside while a regime murders innocent civilians. We learnt this terrible lesson in Bosnia and Rwanda and we must never let it happen again. There are no double standards here, just the single standard that freedom and democracy aren’t the preserve of the West. That is why we have been clear in our condemnation of violence elsewhere in the region and support the rights of all Arab peoples to choose their own future. This is a position we take across the world, which is why we are working at the UN to end the conflict in Cote d’Ivoire, where the former President is trying to block the will of his people with violence.
Right now, the world is changing. All across the Middle East and in Africa too, people want to choose their own future. For decades, some people assumed that stability in Pakistan or the Middle East required dictatorships. They said that reform and openness would put that stability at risk. But the truth is that was a false choice. As events in the Middle East and North Africa have confirmed, denying people their basic rights does not preserve stability – it undermines it. Freedom, democracy, open societies – these are all things that people in Pakistan have fought for, not just once but over and over again, as civil society has asserted itself against military dictatorships. Pakistan may have a young, fledgling democracy and it faces many challenges, but they know – as people of the Middle East know – that small tentative steps towards democracy are better than the strong and brutal feet of dictatorship. That is why it is right that Britain has stood up for freedom and taken action to allow the people of Libya to choose their own destiny.
In this op-ed Sayeeda explains her views on action in Libya.
Last Saturday British forces went into action over Libya as part of an international operation at the request of Arab nations acting to enforce the will of the United Nations. It might surprise many people to hear that someone who marched against the Iraq War is prepared to take to the streets in support of military action in Libya. But the truth is that I am just as passionately in favour of taking action in Libya as I was opposed to the Iraq War. Why? It all boils down to three things.
One – it’s necessary. Colonel Gaddafi said himself that he was planning a violent assault on the rebels in Benghazi. He said every home would be searched and that he would show no mercy. That’s why I felt so strongly that we had to take a lead and stop this atrocity. And we have.
Two – it’s legal. Unlike Iraq, this time we got that UN resolution for military action. There’s no question this time of dodgy dossiers about weapons of mass destruction. This time the mandate from the Security Council couldn’t be clearer – a no-fly zone and the use of all necessary measures to protect the people of Libya.
Three – it’s got regional support. There are millions in the Arab world who want to know that the UN and the UK care about their suffering. The Arab League have asked us to intervene and to stop the slaughter – and we should answer their call.
Back in the 1990s, we failed to act in Bosnia. We stood by as thousands died. In the end the UK and the international community did act. We intervened to stop the ethnic cleansing of Bosnian Muslims. However, we were too late to stop the atrocities committed in Srebrenica where over 8000 people were killed. I’ve travelled to Srebrenica. I’ve seen the women who lost their fathers, husbands, brothers and sons. And more than 15 years on, they are still uncovering mass graves and burying their dead. We should never, ever let that happen again. That’s why I would take to the streets to support our action in Libya – and it is why Libya is right for many of the reasons that Iraq was wrong. This military mission is not about regime change: it is about protecting civilians. What is crucial is that the future of Libya is for the people of Libya to decide, aided by the international community. With this action the people of Libya have a much better chance of determining their destiny.
Speaking in Cardiff at the Conservative Spring Forum, Sayeeda Warsi said;
(check against delivery)
8 Members of Parliament. 13 Assembly Members. 171 Councillors.
Coming first in European elections. 380,000 votes in the General Election.
One of the biggest swings in a century.
Our best results in two decades.
This is the Conservative Party in Wales.
CONSERVATIVE PROMISES, CONSERVATIVE PRIORITIES
Now Conference, you know that I speak my mind.
I tell it as it is.
And today, because I’m here with my Conservative family,….
….I know I can be frank about the government that I am in.
This government is led by a Conservative Prime Minister…
…and we are delivering Conservative priorities based on Conservative promises.
Let me tell you what I mean.
We’ve scrapped the jobs tax.
We’re cutting corporation tax.
We promised we’d protect NHS spending – and we have.
A Cancer drugs fund.
A regional growth fund.
More loans to small businesses.
Tax breaks for new businesses.
I could go on – and I will!
We’ve taxed the banks.
Capped immigration.
Put a block on more power to the EU.
50,000 new apprenticeships.
200 new academies.
Cut ministerial pay.
Blocked a third runway.
No more sofa government.
No more spin government.
A national security council.
More power to local councils.
Our freedoms restored.
My point, Ladies and Gentlemen, is this:
In one year alone we’ve achieved more than Labour did in thirteen years.
Because this is one of the most radical, reforming, progressive, conservative governments this nation has seen in decades.
Conference, let me take you back to a year ago.
When we were pounding the pavements, day after day, come what may..
…did we want a government which would live within its means?
Yes we did.
And are we delivering that promise?
Yes we are.
And when we signed up as Conservatives, and when we stood for elections, and when we pinned on our blue rosettes with pride…
…did we believe in a fair welfare system…
…where if you can work, you should work, and work should always pay?
Yes we did.
And are we delivering that promise?
Yes we are.
And I ask you conference, when we thought what would make us proud as Conservatives…
…did we believe we’ve got to give dignity to our pensioners by restoring the earnings link to pensions?
Yes we did.
And are we delivering?
Yes we are.
And did we campaign to stop more power slipping away to the EU…
…did we campaign for less obsession with health and safety and for businesses to face less bureaucracy…
….and did we know that immigration was out of control?
Yes we did.
And are we delivering?
Yes we are.
And this is why I say to you with such confidence:
These are our promises, our policies, our values, our government.
Conference, you cannot exaggerate the scale of our ambition.
We want people in one generation, two generations, three generation’s time…
….to look back at this government and say…
“yes it was tough, yes things were difficult, but they put this country back on its feet.”
So as we deal with the opportunism of our opponents….
…as we face the mass power of the union barons….
…take hope that we are doing the right thing for our country….
…making this one of the most radical, reforming governments the country has ever seen.
And when it gets tough….
…..when it gets so hard you want to give up….
…..just remember what is at stake.
Not just the prosperity of this generation.
Not just the inheritance we give to our kids.
It is the fabric of our economy.
It is the future of our public services.
It’s the success of our country for decades to come.
LOCAL ELECTION CAMPAIGN
This is the argument we need to take to the country.
And that starts with Campaign 2011.
On May 5th we’ve got elections for the Welsh Assembly….
…elections to the Scottish Parliament….
….and elections for more than half of all English council seats.
And let’s remember where we’re starting from.
We hold almost half of all English seats…
…gaining many when Labour were rock bottom in the polls.
So we have a high base to defend.
And let me be absolutely clear:
We are going to be fielding candidates in every corner of the country.
And yes, against every party in this land!
And our message is clear:
Labour councils waste your money.
Conservative councils deliver more for less.
So if we pull together, we can fight a strong and successful campaign!
NO TO AV
Now I believe in our democracy.
I believe in our voting system.
I am passionate about First-Past-the-Post.
Why?
Because it’s based on a fundamental British belief…
…a belief that has been the beacon of British democracy for centuries….
…a principle that has inspired millions of democrats around the world and continues to do so….
…the idea that one person should get one vote and every vote should weigh the same.
Let me tell you what’s wrong with AV.
“It is the stupidest, the least scientific and the most unreal” voting system.
It means that elections “will be determined by the most worthless votes given for the most worthless candidates.”
Conference, not my words – the words of Winston Churchill eighty years ago!
He knew then – like I know now – that AV is wrong for Britain.
It’s wrong that candidates who come third can win elections.
It’s wrong that your fifth choice can count as much as my first.
And it’s absolutely wrong that elections can be decided by the eccentrics who vote for the Monster Raving Looney Party….
…or even worse, the extremists who vote for the BNP.
We must win this referendum.
But it is not going to be an easy fight.
I need each and every one of you to join the campaign!
Of course, on May 5th, I want you to defend the seats we hold.
Of course, we’ve got to take the seats we can.
But above all on May 5th, we need to win the one election which will affect every single general election to come!
So join the campaign – and meet the No2AV team.
Join the campaign – and find out who your local campaign organiser is!
If you’re a candidate – join the campaign and put No2AV messages on your literature.
If you’re a councillor – join the campaign and turn out the vote in your ward.
And if, like me, you know we absolutely have to win this battle…
…deliver those leaflets…
…make those phone calls….
…and fight harder than ever before to win this campaign!
ED MILIBAND
Now on the subject of getting second best, I want to say something about Ed Miliband.
After all, he is the best advert for AV.
He wasn’t the first choice of Labour MPs.
He wasn’t the first choice of Labour activists.
For all I know, he wasn’t even the first choice of his own family!
But because Labour use AV, he’s now running the Labour Party!
And since he’s been in the job, he’s made it perfectly clear:
That he’s not really clear about…
…anything!
Last month, he published a book of his policies.
It ran to 35 pages….
…and it was totally blank!
This tells us everything we need to know about Ed Miliband.
No plans for the present.
And no vision for the future.
But what about his part in the past?
He was there when Gordon Brown wrecked our economy.
He was there when public spending got out of control.
He was there when Brown raided billions from Britain’s pensions.
He was there when Brown sold the gold.
And all he does now is snipe from the sidelines:
Denying the deficit.
Attempting to rewrite history.
Taking the British public for fools.
But it was Labour who doubled the debt.
It was Labour that gave us the biggest budget deficit in peacetime history.
And it is Labour that has caused these cuts.
These cuts are Labour’s legacy.
I know you might have heard this before.
But frankly Labour spent 13 years complaining about 18 years of Tory government…
…a government which in 1997 left them a buoyant, thriving economy….
….and they brought Britain back to the brink of bankruptcy….
…and I for one will never let them forget it.
CONSERVATIVE FAMILY
You know, it’s not always easy being Party Chairmen…
…especially when you’re surrounded by Secretaries of State…
They are followed by flunkies and get driven in special cars….
…and I don’t even get a coat hanger when I visit Downing Street…
…I have to use the railings outside No. 10!
But Conference, since Andrew and I started this job ten months ago, our mission has been all about one thing:
Bringing the Conservative Family Together.
This is a hard-headed, long-term strategy.
And it’s based on some core values.
– That the voluntary party is an essential part of our party.
– That as a party, we do better when we grow our grassroots.
– And that when we work together as one family, we’re not just more successful, we’re also truer to our values!
Later today, we’ve got a Meet the Chairmen event.
Andrew and I have held lots over the last few months.
And this is what we have learned:
You said you wanted us to stay in touch with you…
…and so we hope you’re receiving our new membership magazine.
You said you wanted CCHQ to listen to you…
…and through our new Office of the Voluntary Party, we are.
You deserve to know how we spend the money= we raise…
….so in our Meet the Chairmen events, come and ask us!
Above all, I know you want to be heard on policy….
….and thanks to the new Conservative Policy Forum, you will.
We are listening and learning…
….and we know we are stronger together….
…..stronger when we have one purpose….
And when we work together,
We prepare better,
We fight better,
And together, we win!
CONSERVATIVE COUNTRY
But conference, you know what really unites our family?
The vision we have for our country.
Because being in government is not just about balancing the books – although that’s crucial.
It’s not just about paying down our debts – although it’s vital we do.
And it’s not even about delivering more for less.
We’re doing all this because, as a family, we believe in a fundamental principle:
That no generation has the right to bankrupt the next!
We see a country where jobs are created…
…where businesses are thriving…
…where our hospitals are the best in the world.
A strong country, where we live within our means and pay our way in the world.
A fair country, open to the dreams and aspirations of everyone, no matter their background or where they were born.
A responsible country, where we reward hard work and fair play and back those who do the right thing.
Applying our vision was never going to be easy.
No one said this was going to be pain free.
But because we believe in a country where we all pull together…
…where everyone knows their neighbour and does their bit…
….where families feel that they can save up and get on in life….
….where we give the best possible opportunities to all our kids….
….then that makes the prize worth fighting for.
(7th March 2011)
Speaking at the University of Leicester Sayeeda Warsi said:
(Please check against delivery)
Back in September I made a speech about faith at the Bishops Conference.
It was the first time that a Cabinet Minister had spoken so frankly about faith for many years.
I think it’s fair to say that the speech caused a bit of a stir in some quarters.
The New Humanist Magazine ran a poll of their readers which ranked me the fifth most dangerous enemy of reason last year.
I was about to think that actually, I hadn’t done too badly, when I discovered that the Koran-burning Pastor, Terry Jones, came one place below me!
But overall I believe the impact of the speech was really positive.
And the main thing I discovered by doing the speech was that there is a large, untapped appetite for a more mature discussion of faith in this country.
I sensed that people were fed up of the patronising, superficial way faith is discussed in certain quarters, including the media…
….and that sadly there has been a rise in a sloppy kind of religious illiteracy.
So it was important to take stock of where Britain is with faith.
And I am delighted to be here today to build on what I said.
Your University is helping to raise the whole standard of faith-based debate in this country.
And I know that some fantastic people have given the Sternberg lecture before me.
Professor Hans Kung has spoken about his idea of the “global ethic” and the common values of the main religions…
…Lord Carey has talked about the relationship between Islam and The West, and why the idea of a clash of civilisations can become a self-fulfilling prophecy…
…and Cardinal Cormac O’Connor has explored the current global position of Christianity.
But I want to start my speech today by paying tribute to Sir Sigmund Sternberg.
Although he has connections with the Labour Party, I hope he won’t mind if I say that his life seems to me to be the epitome of the Big Society.
Since coming to Britain as a European Jew in the 1920s, he has spent his life helping to strengthen communities.
For me, as a Rotarian, a big part of that was what he did in the 1990s…
…when he re-established Rotary Clubs in Eastern Europe after the collapse of Communism.
But from the point of view of my subject today, it is his work with faith communities which is truly inspiring.
From helping to resolve a row at Auschwitz over a Catholic convent…
…to organising the first ever papal visit to a synagogue…
…to establishing the Three Faiths Forum with Reverend Marcus Braybrooke and Dr Badawi….
…Sir Sigmund has shown just how much one person can do to promote a richer, more tolerant, and a more integrated society.
And that brings me to the theme of my lecture today.
BIGOTRY AGAINST FAITH
In my last speech I made the evidential case for faith in our country.
I showed that contrary to popular belief, faith in this country is certainly not fading away;
I explained that faith inspires many people to do good things which help build a bigger society;
And I announced that the aim of this government is to help not hinder faith communities in the good things that they do.
Today, I want to make a related argument.
I want to make the case against the rising tide of anti-religious bigotry.
In particular, I want to say three things:
First, I want to highlight what I mean by this rising religious illiteracy and condemn the bigotry which it feeds.
Second, I want to explain why I feel these problems are happening.
And third, I want to set out how we can start to deal with it.
In other words, in my last speech, I said that this government does God.
This time, I’m saying we get God.
What I mean by that is we understand faith.
I am not saying that people can’t be anti-religion.
What I am opposed to is the rise of unreasonable, unfounded, irrational bigotry.
Where religion itself becomes a loaded word…
…where free discussion is drowned out by a sensationalist media…
…and where there simply is no room for fair-minded debate.
Now some will be surprised to hear me using the language of reason to defend an essentially spiritual phenomenon – namely individual faith.
Others will say that it’s ok to be irrational about religion…
…because religion itself is not open to rational debate.
I don’t accept that.
Faith and Reason go hand in hand.
This is a point the Pope has made consistently over the last few years.
All through the Bible, there is a close relationship between faith and reason.
Perhaps the most telling are the opening words of the Gospel of John.
“In the beginning was the Word…
…and the Word was with God….
…and the Word was God”.
“The Word was God”
So, at the very heart of Christian faith, we find that Reason and God’s Grace go hand in hand.
And as the Pope made clear when visiting a mosque in Amman last year, this isn’t unique to the Christian religion, but to all the main religions.
“As believers in the one God, we know that human reason is itself God’s gift and that it soars to its highest plane when suffused with the light of God’s truth.”
“In fact, when human reason humbly allows itself to be purified by faith, it is far from weakened; rather it is strengthened to resist presumption and to reach beyond its own limitations.”
The point is just as religion shouldn’t fear reason, so reason shouldn’t be denied to faith.
But my worry is that is exactly what is happening right now.
Controversial stories are inflated by the media…
…detracting from serious faith-based debate…
…and leaving us with a situation where instead of philosophy, we’re fed anti-faith phobias.
One telling example of this occurred in 2005, when Ruth Kelly was made Education Secretary.
Now of course, it’s reasonable to scrutinise that appointment and have a discussion about whether Ruth Kelly was up to the job.
But what was it really right that her faith formed such a big part of that inquiry?
And was the appropriate language about her Catholicism used?
At its extreme, this kind of bigotry descends into absurd caricatures.
Where all Catholicism becomes “dodgy Priests in Ireland”.
Judaism becomes “murky international financiers”.
Sikhism suddenly seems to be all about a play in Birmingham.
And Evangelical Christianity is seen as anti-Abortion activists rather than campaigners like William Wilberforce.
For some faiths, these kind of characterisations have increasingly become mainstream.
Today, I want to touch on the way my own faith, Islam, is perceived.
Let me say right away to British Muslims that I acknowledge that there is a minority of people that try to justify their criminal conduct and activity by suggesting that it is sanctioned by their faith.
It is a problem that we must confront and defeat.
But that problem should not lead to unfounded suspicions of all Muslims.
Indeed, it seems to me that Islamophobia has now crossed the threshold of middle class respectability.
Let me give one example which is very personal to here:
It was reported several years ago that students at Leicester University persuaded their union cafeteria to ban pork and go exclusively halal.
The trouble was, that turned out not to be the whole story.
In fact, as I understand, it the Student Union decided that one out of the 26 cafes on campus should serve halal food.
And when you consider that there are a large number of Muslim students at Leicester, that makes sound financial sense!
For far too many people, Islamophobia is seen as a legitimate – even commendable – thing.
You could even say that Islamophobia has now passed the dinner-table-test.
Take this from Polly Toynbee:
“I am an Islamophobe, and proud of it”.
Or this speech title from Rod Liddle:
“Islamophobia? Count me in”.
But of course, Islamophobia should be seen as totally abhorrent – just like homophobia or Judeophobia – because any phobia is by definition the opposite of a philosophy.
A phobia is an irrational fear.
It takes on a life of its own and no longer needs to be justified.
And all this filters through.
The drip feeding of fear fuels a rising tide of prejudice.
So when people get on the tube and see a bearded Muslim, they think “terrorist”…
…when they hear “Halal” they think “that sounds like contaminated food”…
…and when they walk past a woman wearing a veil, they think automatically “that woman’s oppressed”.
And what’s particularly worrying is that this can lead down the slippery slope to violence.
WHY IS THIS HAPPENING?
So why is this happening?
We’ve got to start by understanding where this bigotry comes from.
We must learn the lessons of history.
Now I strongly believe that the British story of integration is a positive story.
You need to delve deep into the Dark Ages to find a time when the state was under the exclusive control of one tribe or ethnicity.
Instead, for centuries, our state has represented a set of common laws governing a diverse set of tribes, faiths and ethnicities.
The same can be said about the USA.
America prides herself on being a haven of immigrants, where you can be proudly Irish or Italian or Christian or Muslim – and still American.
As it says on the Great Seal of the United States: e pluribus unum.
This idea of unity from diversity runs through our own history.
It has helped to forge the values of pluralism, tolerance and diversity which define our society.
This gives us our moral authority to criticise, challenge and condemn those nations which far too often do not grant their religious minorities dignity, respect and equality.
But the British battle against bigotry will always be an ongoing battle.
And sadly, at no point does it totally disappear.
So Disraeli did become the first Jewish Prime Minister – but the cartoonists still drew him as an East-End bag-man.
Oswald Mosley’s Fascists never became a mainstream party – but the newspapers at the time were still littered with Anti-Semitism.
And now a Muslim woman is a member of a British Cabinet – but a British citizen today can still be attacked for merely wearing a headscarf as part of her religious observance.
Why is bigotry so resilient?
A big part of the problem is the intellectual challenge of reconciling religious and national identities.
If you look back at our history, you see that we have had particular trouble when it comes to this issue.
Again and again, we found it hard to believe that non-Protestants could be loyal to our country.
The debates on Catholic Emancipation in the 1820s are a fantastic case study.
Yes, a big part of the argument against letting Catholics into Parliament was old-fashioned anti-Catholic bigotry.
Up and down the country, the mob cried: “No Papacy”.
But the interesting thing was the intellectual argument which lies behind the rioting.
Deep down, it all boiled down to this:
Whether a Catholic, whose ultimate allegiance was thought to be to the Papacy, could still be a loyal servant of the British Monarchy.
The problem with Catholicism, as the Protestant establishment saw it, was that it transcended British sovereignty…
…ultimate loyalty wasn’t to the King of Britain but to the Papacy…
…which meant being Catholic and British were two irreconcilable identities.
It was only after Catholic Emancipation passed through Parliament…
…and after we began to break with the medieval European tradition of absolute religious conformity…
….that these problems began to disappear.
But fast forward two centuries, and there is still a sense of suspicion towards those subjects whose ultimate loyalty is presumed to lie with a supranational religion…
….or to an extra-terrestrial divinity.
Just think about anti-Muslim bigotry.
One of the most frequent arguments made against Islam in Britain is the idea that all British Muslims want to overturn British sovereignty and obey a transnational, Islamic authority.
Let me repeat again: extremists are a minority of a minority.
But from this flows a steady drip of suspicion and sense of sedition…
…all feeding the rise of a wider Islamophobia.
ISLAMOPHOBIA
Obviously, I find the rise of Islamophobia particularly worrying.
As a Muslim, I’ve had to live with it for many years.
But I strongly believe that my problem is really our problem….
….because of the danger it poses to the whole of our society.
Ultimately, Islamophobia challenges our basic British identity.
One of the most important aspects of our identity is our belief in equality before the law.
But deep, entrenched anti-Muslim bigotry challenges that tradition…
…because it implies that one section of society is less deserving of our protection than the rest.
I commend those who understand and condemn the cancer of Islamophobia…
….whether that be John Denham, Seumus Milne, Peter Oborne, or the Metropolitan Police…
I know that there is also a perverted line of argument which says that Muslims have only got themselves to blame for this hatred.
After all, they’re the ones who blow up tubes and aeroplanes….
….so treating them differently is actually ok.
But think about it for one second, and you see that this argument is self-defeating.
The deeper Islamophobia seeps into our culture, the easier becomes the task of the extremist recruiting sergeant.
Those who commit criminal acts of terrorism in our country need to be dealt with not just by the full force of the law…
…they also should face social rejection and alienation across society….
…and their acts must not be used as an opportunity to tar all Muslims….
…or divide our society on the basis of faith.
So what I am saying is this:
At all times, we should be working to drain the pool of people where extremists fish.
The other worrying argument that also forms a basis for justifying Islamophobia and anti-Muslim hatred is the idea that Islam is a particularly violent creed…
….and therefore that an irrational reaction to it is somehow appropriate.
This line of argument takes place at many levels.
At one level, policy professionals push hard against Islam by focussing on a fraction of what makes up the Islamic faith.
And at another level, fascist literature used by the BNP circulates sections of Quranic text out of context.
But anyone who is familiar with the main religions can find phrases which aren’t appropriate to modern life in the ancient texts of these religions.
“An eye for an eye”, is the advice from Exodus.
“If a man commits adultery with another man’s wife…both the adulterer and the adulteress must be put to death”, is what it says in Leviticus.
And “The false prophets or dreamers who try to lead you astray must be put to death”, is what Deuteronomy says.
I could go on….
…and I will.
Some of you here might be fans of the “West Wing”.
This exchange between the Catholic President, Bartlet and a bigoted TV presenter seems relevant here.
President Bartlet:
I like your show. I like how you call homosexuality an abomination.
TV Presenter:
I don’t say homosexuality is an abomination, Mr. President. The Bible does.
President Bartlet:
Yes it does. Leviticus 18:22….I wanted to ask you a couple of questions while I have you here.
I’m interested in selling my youngest daughter into slavery as sanctioned in Exodus 21:7. She’s a Georgetown sophomore, speaks fluent Italian, always cleared the table when it was her turn. What would a good price for her be?
While thinking about that, can I ask another? My Chief of Staff Leo McGarry insists on working on the Sabbath. Exodus 35:2 clearly says he should be put to death. Am I morally obligated to kill him myself or is it okay to call the police?
Here’s one that’s really important because we’ve got a lot of sports fans in this town: touching the skin of a dead pig makes one unclean. Leviticus 11:7. If they promise to wear gloves, can the Washington Redskins still play football? Can Notre Dame? Can West Point?
Does the whole town really have to be together to stone my brother John for planting different crops side by side?
Can I burn my mother in a small family gathering for wearing garments made from two different threads? Think about those questions, would you?”
Do you see, Ladies and Gentlemen, you couldn’t make the point more clearly?
These texts from the Old Testament could so easily be manipulated to cause mischief, and indeed have been manipulated in the past.
But being religious means making choices and understanding the central values of your faith.
It also means considering the context in which that faith was formed.
To be an adherent, one must also be a historian.
This is a point the late Benazir Bhutto, the first female Prime Minister of a Muslim country once put particularly well when speaking of teachings in the Quran:
“In an age when no country, no system, no community gave women any rights, in a society where the birth of a baby girl was regarded as a curse, where women were considered chattel, Islam treated women as individuals”.
WHAT CAN WE DO ABOUT IT?
So now that we have traced the rise of religious illiteracy, and explained why this is happening, the question now is what can we do about it?
The answers fall into three categories.
First and foremost, we need political leadership.
Government has got to show that it gets it.
And Andrew Stunnell, the Minister for Integration, has already taken a strong lead.
Not only are we ramping up the fight against all phobias – including homophobia and gender inequality…
…but we are also building on the positive steps taken since the APPG Anti-Semitism inquiry…
….and responding to the concerns of the British Jewish community in a focussed and concerted way.
…like giving funds for Jewish State Schools to improve their security…
…beginning to tackle anti-Semitism on the internet…
… and supporting the Holocaust Education Trusts “Lessons from Aushwitz” project.
At all times, this government is thinking hard about the challenge of stamping out hatred and bigotry…
…and looking at what lessons we can apply from the past, particularly from our work on tackling Anti-Semitism…
…to deal with the new challenges of today.
But in addition to this, we also need to do something else.
We need to think harder about the language we use.
And we should be careful about language around religious “moderates”.
This is something I’ve been thinking about a lot.
It’s not a big leap of imagination to predict where the talk of “moderate” Muslims leads:
In the factory, where they’ve just hired a Muslim worker, the boss says to his employees: “not to worry, he’s only fairly Muslim”.
In the school, the kids say “the family next door are Muslim but they’re not too bad”.
And in the road, as a woman walks past wearing a Burkha, the passers-by think: “that woman’s either oppressed or making a political statement”.
So we need to stop talking about moderate Muslims, and instead talk about British Muslims.
And when it comes to extremism, we should be absolutely clear:
These people are extremists, plain and simple, because their behaviour has detached them from the thought process within their religion.
Second, we need a response from society.
It doesn’t take rocket science to know what that means.
“Love thy Neighbour” may be a cliché, but it’s a cliche’ because it’s eternally relevant.
Ultimately, that’s the test for everyone in society:
“Do I do enough to make my neighbour feel part of the wider community?”
“Would I be comfortable if my neighbour heard what I said about him?”
“Do I treat my neighbour the way I want to be treated myself?”
Simple questions we need to ask.
As I go around the country I hear many British Muslims raising a number of concerns with me….
… so let me take this opportunity to address the British Muslim community directly…
… if, like me, you feel that anti-Muslim hatred is widespread and rising…
…start to make a difference by doing three things:
First, in his New Year message the Prime Minister asked: how we were allowing the radicalisation of some young British Muslims?
He stated very clearly that the overwhelming majority of British Muslims detest this extremism but they must help to find the answers, together.
Here’s what that means:
Muslim communities must speak out against those who promote violence.
Muslim men and women must make clear that any hatred towards others is wrong.
And above all, not stand on the sidelines, but step forward and help to lead a progressive, united fight.
Second, British Muslims need to learn from and build on the work done throughout history by other communities.
I want to refer particularly to the British Jewish Community and the work done by the Community Security Trust.
Week after week, the CST works with the police and the Jewish community to collect data and details of anti-Semitism in Britain…
….helping to defeat those bigots who say that British anti-Semitism no longer exists.
British Muslims should learn from them.
There is an urgent need for a data collection project.
The first step in addressing the problem is to measure the scale of it.
And I hope that this project will support the work of the newly formed All Party Parliamentary Group on Islamophobia, chaired by Kris Hopkins MP.
Third, and above all, British Muslims needs to remember that with rights come responsibilities.
That means no burying our heads in the sand and denying the problem…
…but standing up and doing something about it.
The reason I came into politics is because I felt my country can be better.
I want more Muslims to do that same thing and help ease the relationship between their country and their faith.
CONCLUSION
Finally, I want to finish with the third response to religious illiteracy.
If we really are going to combat bigotry against religion, faith leaders have to show greater leadership.
This is also your fight – and you need to take the lead.
In Germany, there’s already been a good example of the kind of cross-faith coalition we need.
Archbishop Robert Zollitsch spoke out warning against Europe’s rising Islamophobia last year.
And in America, in response to the ugly debate about Park 51, the Jewish Reform movement joined with other faith and advocacy groups in to take stronger steps to protect religious freedom today.
What we need now is for more faith leaders, and more faith communities, to stand up and speak out in defence of faith.
And not just to defend faith, but to explain it properly as well.
Faith leaders need to explain their religion – in a way that people of all faiths and no faiths can understand.
I had the privilege of raising this issue with the Pope when he was over here…
…and whilst he asked me to build on my speech at the Bishops’ Conference, I asked him to use his unique position to create a better understanding between Europe and its Muslim citizens.
If we do all these three things, together, as government, as society, as people of faith, then we can come a little closer to defeating anti-faith bigotry…
…and building a more open, inclusive and, frankly, a more grown-up society.
Speaking to Conservative Party Conference 2010 Sayeeda Warsi said:
(Check Against Delivery)
Thirteen years. Four Party Leaders.
Three General Elections. And now two parties, one government.
And finally something we have wanted to say for years:
A Conservative Prime Minister in Downing Street
Not so long ago people said our party was history.
They said we would never be in government again.
But look at what you have achieved this year.
The biggest swing in our history.
148 new MPs.
49 women now on the Conservative benches.
And 11 MPs who are black and minority ethnic.
You even won back my home seat of Dewsbury.
And thanks to your positive, patriotic campaigning in my home community, we finally finished off the BNP.
We also did something really special after polling day.
We could have been sullen and gone into opposition.
We could have been mean and tried to form a minority government.
But instead, we reached out and formed a strong coalition in the National Interest.
So Conference, let me say loudly and clearly:
To the army of activists who pounded the pavements…
…to the canvassers who knocked on millions of doors…
…to the associations who wore the blue rosette with pride…
…to everyone who voted Conservative – especially those who voted for us the first time….a big
heartfelt, thumping thank you
Conference, this is a big moment for me.
I thought long and hard about what I wanted to say.
I was quite humbled by the journey I’ve been on.
Because Conference it was only fifty years ago that my Dad came to this country with two pounds in his pocket.
He worked double shifts in the Yorkshire mills.
He did every job going.
He was a bus conductor, a bus driver, a cab driver…
…he went through unemployment.
I was born in a one up, one down.
Dewsbury Gate Road – it’s still there.
But my Dad wasn’t prepared to accept that this was where we should stay.
He believed in opportunity.
He believed in equality.
And he believed in hard work and fair play.
In the mills, my Dad was told that Labour was the party for him.
They said that Labour looked after the poorest.
That it looked after the vulnerable and minorities.
But Conference, today, my dad and millions of decent, hard-working, fair-minded people like him, are appalled at the state Labour have left this country in.
Appalled that Labour abandoned the very people they promised to protect.
With the poorest getting poorer.
The gap between the rich and poor getting wider.
Youth unemployment hitting new heights.
One in five pensioners living in poverty.
One in six children growing up in households where no one works.
Terrible rates of drink and drug abuse.
Appalling levels of teenage pregnancy.
One of the worst rates of family breakdown in Europe.
And UNICEF saying that Britain was the worst place in the developed world to be a child.
The longest recession.
The deepest recession.
The doubling of the debt.
And spending more on debt interest than on the education of our children.
Conference, this is Labour’s legacy to Britain
This is their gift to the poor.
And that’s why, Conference…
….they should never ever be allowed to do it again.
The fact is that Labour said they’d abolished boom and bust…
….but they brought bust back to Britain with one almighty bang.
And so I find it bizarre that having created this mess, Labour politicians now stump up on the news channels and attack us for taking the difficult decisions they never took.
They say we want to make spending cuts.
They say we are letting down the poor.
But it was them who left us with this mess.
So let me say something to the Labour Party.
We left you a thriving, buoyant economy in 1997…
…and you brought Britain back to the brink of bankruptcy.
You hammered the working classes by scrapping the 10p tax band.
You left an economy where people who are black or brown are twice as likely to be unemployed.
And you let down the regions by creating an economy where for every ten private sector jobs created in the South, just one was created in the North and the Midlands.
So Mr. Miliband,
Don’t you dare say you are a friend of the working classes.
Don’t you dare say you’re a friend of minorities.
Don’t you dare say you’re the friend of people in the north.
Because I am all of those things and you are no friend of mine!
So what are we going to do about this mess?
It’s simple: two parties, one purpose: together in the national interest.
And I’m so proud that this party is playing its part.
Because governing in the national interest is what we do best.
That’s why we served under Lloyd George in the first World War.
That’s why we served under Ramsay MacDonald in the 1930s.
And that’s why, seventy years ago, this year, at the most dangerous moment in our history….
…Churchill formed a War Cabinet, faced up to Hitler, and together we won the Battle of Britain.
Patriotism has always powered our party.
And that’s what we’re showing again.
And Conference, we’ve made a strong start.
Look at what we have achieved.
We’ve scrapped Labour’s jobs tax.
We’re controlling immigration.
We’re lifting almost a million out of income tax.
We’re restoring the link between earnings and the basic pension.
And we are ensuring that never again will a British government hand more power to Brussels without your say so.Above all, Conference we’re rolling up our sleeves and getting the job done.
Taking the difficult decisions.
Making the tough calls.
Dealing with the deficit.
Restoring confidence in our economy.
And thanks to George Osborne, Britain is once again open to business.
And the big question for Labour is what part do they want to play?
They can stand on the sidelines and snipe.
Or they can start making amends for the mess they made.
And that, for me, was what was so depressing about the whole Labour leadership race.
You know, back in May, they had an amazing opportunity.
They could have turned a page on their past.
They could have moved on from the Blair-Brown saga.
Instead, they went backwards.
They picked a man who doesn’t even have the support of his own party.
He wasn’t the choice of Labour MPs.
He wasn’t the choice of Labour activists.
For all I know, he wasn’t even the first choice of his own family.
So, after more feuding, new factions, and still no answers…
….in the end, the Unions got their man.
Now Mr. Miliband needs to prove that he has some answers…
…to the challenges Britain faces today…
…to the big problems left by Labour…
….and that he has a real vision of where he wants Britain to go.
And that begins with a proper economic plan.
He said he would be serious, he promised responsibility.
He said there are cuts he wouldn’t oppose
But all we’ve heard so far is a long list of the things he does oppose.
This is the big question for Mr. Miliband.
What’s your plan?
Will you tell us how you would deal with the biggest problem facing our country?
Or will you follow Ed Balls and his union buddies and abandon the centre ground?
Conference, I hope you don’t mind if I end by saying a few personal things.
It’s an honour to be here.
And I’m surrounded by a fabulous team.
I’ve got the experience of Michael Fallon.
The activism of Nicola Blackwood.
The youth of Andrew Stephenson.
And the business brains of Alan Lewis.
And there’s one person I want to mention particularly.
Thanks to this man, our party is in ship shape condition.
Thanks to him, we’re better organised than ever.
No David, this time I’m not talking about you.
It’s Andrew Feldman, and I’m so proud that he is co-Chairmen with me.
Andrew, you are a huge asset to our party…
….you could even say that you are like a brother to me….
…but that’s an older brother, Andrew!
But to be serious, it should be a source of huge pride that we have two people running this party.
One the great grandson of Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe;
One the daughter of Muslim immigrants from Pakistan.
But the fact is it’s no big surprise.
This party has always been a champion of progress and equality.
It’s why we had Nancy Astor, the first woman in Parliament.
It’s why we had Benjamin Disraeli, the first Jewish Prime Minister.
And that’s why we had that fantastic first female Prime Minister – Margaret Thatcher.
And now Conference, it is my privilege to stand before you as the first British Muslim to be a full Member of the British Cabinet.
And my job is to fly the flag for our party.
Conference, I know that in the past I have sometimes given my press officer sleepless nights.
Well I didn’t come into politics to stand on the sidelines.
I didn’t come into politics to play it safe.These are tough times – and I tell it as it is.
So when I saw immigration getting out of control, I said so.
I believe AV is the wrong system, so I will fight it.
And when there are cases of electoral fraud, I will always speak out.
So let me tell you what I want to see for our great Party.
I want us to attract more members.
I want to see a strengthened and robust voluntary party.
And I want our grassroots to have a strong voice on policy.
Our Party has always been at its best when we develop policy together.
We want to harness the talents of all of our members to help identify the future challenges that Britain will face.
And that’s why, Conference, today I can announce that our reinvigorated Conservative Policy Forum is back up and running…
..and that we will now be reaching out to hear your views.
It means that all our Party Members can have real say on how our policies develop.
And we will always make sure that voice is heard, respected and understood.
Conference, in 2005 you elected David Cameron as our leader.
You made a choice about the way our party should be.
Since then, we have reclaimed the centre ground of politics.
And today this party is the force of progressive change once again.
The One Nation Party…
…that thinks, looks and feels like today’s Britain….
…that understands the challenge of today’s Britain.
And Conference, it’s because we changed our party that we can change our country.
Yes of course, we are today’s generation.
But let’s also respect the last generation too.
And think deeply and responsibly about the next generation –
Our children and our children’s children
Conference, this party fights for all generations.
We’ve done it before. We will do it again.
I am having a divine week. First, I celebrated Eid-ul-Fitr. Last night I was at dinner with the Chief Rabbi, who has just marked the Jewish New Year. Today I am delighted to be here with you, the Bishops of the Church of England. And on Friday I will be meeting His Holiness the Pope.
So if anyone suggests that this government does not understand, does not appreciate, does not defend people of faith, dare I even say, does not “do God”, then I hope my schedule this week will go some way to banishing that myth.
But to be serious, I think everyone here will agree that we have had a big problem in Britain in the way the state has been handling issues of faith and religion.
Indeed, I would go even further: I think we have a big problem in the way we think about faith in our society as a whole.
This isn’t the first time I’ve talked about this. Last year, I spoke out at the Conservative Conference about the growing suspicion of faith by the political elite in Britain.
That feeling was fuelled by a flurry of stories in the media: The nurse suspended from her job for offering to pray for the recovery of a patient; The think-tank report suggesting that we downgrade Christmas to help race relations; And reports of faith charities being put off from applying for public funding by a barrage of bureaucracy.
Whichever way you see it, it’s clear we have got into a real mess when it comes to talking about the relationship between faith and society. The political elite in particular have got things badly wrong. Far too often, too many intellectuals, journalists, commentators and politicians have been too quick to dismiss faith and its contribution to society.
Unpicking these problems is a huge operation, but today I want to make a start and focus on one part of the confusion: The role of government.
Now I don’t want to score big political points this morning. It’s clear that there are people of integrity in all parties and beyond. What’s more, whatever is said about the previous two Prime Ministers, there is no doubt they were men of faith and spiritual sincerity.
But at the same time, it seems clear that the previous government did get things profoundly wrong. It got things wrong because it sent the wrong signals about the right relationship between state, faith and society.
To quote the Archbishop of Canterbury last year: “The trouble with a lot of government initiatives about faith is that they assume it is a problem, it’s an eccentricity, [and that] it’s practised by oddities, foreigners and minorities.”
Oddities, foreigners, minorities. Some people would say I fall into all three categories.
But of course, faith isn’t something confined to these people. `So the question is why the last government came to the impression that it was.
And as I see it, it was because of the following things:
they misjudged the actual state of faith in our society – they thought that faith was essentially a rather quaint relic of our pre-industrial history;
they were also too suspicious of faith’s potential for contributing to society – behind every faith-based charity, they sensed the whiff of conversion and exclusivity;
and because of these prejudices they didn’t create policies to unleash the positive power of faith in our society.
As a result of all this, the relationship between state, faith and society got out of kilter.
We urgently need to put that right – and that means starting by doing three things.
First, we need to understand the current state of faith in Britain.
Second, we need a richer recognition of the Anglican and wider faith-based contribution to society.
And third, we need to draw the right conclusions for policy, especially when it comes to voluntary action, social cohesion and the Big Society.
Let me take each of these steps in turn.
THE STATE OF FAITH
First, the current state of faith in Britain and the world.
Twenty years ago, Soviet communism came to an end revealing shocking information about how terribly Jewish, Christian, Muslim and other minorities had been treated by the Soviet Empire. Soon afterwards, Bosniak Muslims were ethnically cleansed in Bosnia which reminded us of the horrors of the Holocaust.
And then, just as some were claiming that a clash of faiths and civilisations was inevitable, came the terrible events of September 11th.Sadly, some took that day as the excuse to scale up their attacks on all people of faith. Others kept pushing the myth that religion had died out in modern societies and was the source of most conflict in less developed ones. And meanwhile we have seen the rise of a new kind of intellectual, who dines out on free flowing media and sustains a vocabulary of secularist intolerance.
But is faith actually in decline? Is it a symptom of economic backwardness? And with the progress of history, is faith something which will ultimately fade away? Not as I see it.
For a start, we know that the proportion of people in the world who adhere to the four biggest religions has actually increased in the past century.
And right here in Britain, despite what many say, religion is certainly not going away.
Not only did up to eighty per cent of British people say that they had some kind of religious belief in the last census but there is evidence to show that religious attendance actually seems to be rising. Tearfund tells us that number of people attending church each year increased between 2007 and 2008, from around one in five adults to around one in four. Cathedral worship has increased since the turn of the century. And the Baptist Union have been recording rising attendances – especially among the young.
Part of the problem of course is that for decades university social science departments taught that as societies modernised they would become more secular. And they suggested that as the ‘modern’ state grew, faith-based voluntary action and social care would wither away.
One of the most extreme examples is the sociologist Peter Berger. Back in 1968, Peter Berger predicted that “by the twenty-first century, religious believers are likely to be found only in small sects, huddled together to resist a worldwide secular culture”. Fast forward three decades, and he has had to retract the prediction completely.
The fact is that our world is more religious than ever. Faith is here to stay. It is part of the fabric of human experience. And in Britain faith is very much alive and kicking.
Deny it and you deny the ability of a huge part of society to articulate where they have come from, what they are working for, and who they are.
UNDERSTANDING THE FAITH-BASED CONTRIBUTION
Nowhere is this better demonstrated than when you consider the social action of millions of British believers and the work of the almost 30,000 faith-based charities.
And that brings me to the second point I want to make.
We have to come to a deeper understanding about the contribution of these faith communities to our society. In other words, why they do the good things they do. Unless we understand what drives people of faith to contribute to society, we cannot hope to help them on their way.
Now there will always be people who look at faith-based charities and think they are something sinister. There will always be people who think that religious organisations are up to no good or on the make. You can see it in the debates at the end of the 19th century, when some parliamentarians argued that the rise of convents and monasteries was a threat to our liberty. You can see it in the way that many modern sceptics criticise Mosques, Temples, Churches and faith-based charities over the social work they do.
They fail to see the vital link between these peoples’ faiths and their contribution to society. They fail to see that these people feel inspired to help others because of their faith.
Let me give you just a few examples of what I mean.
The 2008 Citizenship Survey suggests that those who are religiously observant are more likely to volunteer and give than their non-believing or non-practising counterparts. Again and again you see similar patterns taking shape whether it is the care of Jewish social welfare charities, the huge generosity of Muslims and others in response to the floods in Pakistan or the work of local church groups to help those overwhelmed by drink, drugs, or crime.
When you think about it, it’s incredible that many people of faith give up their evenings to work as street pastors making sure that young men are less at risk of knife crime and young women less likely to run into trouble after a night out.
A second line of attack from secular fundamentalists is that faith communities are “intolerant” and their welfare provision is “exclusive” or “contractual”. But recent research by York University shows that faith based provision for the homeless was both more open and inclusive than other agencies. It also came with far fewer strings attached, because it less often danced to the tune of ‘targets’.
But wen you try to tell the “new atheists” about these sorts of facts, too often, they simply do not want to know.
An increasing body of evidence reveals the economic contribution of Cathedrals their important work in running faith schools and the emotional support offered in hospitals, prisons and other social institutions by faith-based charities.
And very often, faith communities offer us innovations which the whole of society can learn from: The Fairtrade movement was launched in an Anglican theological College in the North East. Churches were integral to the emergence of the anti-homelessness and the anti-slavery movements. The story of overseas development cannot be written without the names Christian Aid, CAFOD Islamic Relief, Jewish Care, and Muslim Aid.
Of course in England it’s hard not to notice the presence in every community of a parish church served by clergy. It’s absurd to stereotype these parishes as ‘holy huddles’. They are hubs around which people of all faiths and none can meet, greet and build relationships in what can be a fragmented society. As you know better than any of us, they are also the bases where post offices, libraries and job clubs have been co-located. They are the place where self-help groups for those facing addictions can meet affordably.
So the real question is not: “how should big government be controlling faith-based organisations”…
….but “how can government help people of faith do even more to build the Big Society?”
FAITH AND THE BIG SOCIETY
And that takes me to the third point I want to make.
Once we are clear about the reason why faith-based charities do all the good things they do, we can put in place the right policies to support them responsibly. It’s simple:
Faith gives rise to huge numbers of personal kindnesses and other civic contributions; Faith shapes beliefs, behaviour and a sense of purpose; And so what government should be doing is helping people of faith express themselves in this way.
My conviction is that in a stronger and bigger society the scope for people of faith to take their places as equals at the public table should become easier not just on so called ‘stake-holding’ bodies but as the vanguard of an increasingly decentralised civic society.
Let me explain what I mean.
As Lord Wei will be saying later, our aim with the Big Society is to build a culture where we don’t just look to government to solve all our big problems. Where people are empowered and feel encouraged to take control of their local communities and neighbourhoods. And where we foster a new culture of social responsibility – not by legislation but by example and collaboration.
Just imagine if the whole nation could give to charity at the same levels as people of faith already do. The question is how can government help to bring that about?
One big part of it is about giving you – charities, churches, faith groups, community groups – the chance to do even more good. That means giving you the chance to take control over local community buildings or run services where the community thinks that you could do that well.
Under our plans, you will have more power, more responsibility, and more choice over how to get involved in your communities and over how to apply your skills.
Another part of it is about showing that we are all in this together, and ensuring that no community and no corner of society gets left behind.
That’s one of the reasons why the Cabinet Office plans to establish a new fund to invest in poorer communities, called the Communities First Fund.
And then there is the funding you will be able to access through our Big Society Bank – a bank built up not of new taxpayers’ money, but unclaimed bank accounts.
But above all we want to encourage a bonfire of the petty rules and prejudices that have held you and others back for so long. It seems crazy for the state to offer support to the voluntary sector and then shackle it with so many targets. And it’s crazy that bidding for funds as a faith-based charity is made more difficulty by a kind of religious illiteracy in local authorities.
All of this needs to change and be challenged – and that’s what this government will be about.
So I don’t just want to say to you that you have a lot to contribute to building the Big Society. I want to tell you that for me you are at the heart of society already and key to its future, and that this government will be on your side.
CONCLUSION
As I have said today, we urgently need to rethink the way we think about faith in society. The challenges of the late 20th century and early 21st century have revealed a world which is more religious than ever. It is a world where faith inspires, motivates and sustains – despite what the sociologists thought they could predict about the modern world.
We need to get the relationship between state, religion and society in sync with this new reality.
In Britain the resilience of religion gives us the confidence to reject the intolerance of secularist fundamentalists. It should also give us the confidence to recognise fully the huge contribution of believers everywhere.
And to do that, we need first and foremost a government which understands faith, which is comfortable with faith, and which when necessary, is prepared to speak out about issues of faith.
And so that leaves me with the last point I want to make.
It would be easy to make this speech and walk away, maybe with the promise of returning next year. But I am serious when I say that I will be thinking about all these issues long and hard over the next few months. And I will always be ready and willing to speak out and help lead the debate.
Because however things pan out over the next five years, I don’t want anyone to look back and say: “This government thought that people of faith were eccentrics or oddities.”
Instead, I want this to be a new beginning for relations between society, faith and the state. Thank you. (September 15th 2010)
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