By Sayeeda Warsi
Malala Yousafzai’s story begins with her parents being commiserated with after producing a baby girl. In their part of northern Pakistan, she says, rifle shots ring out in celebration of a baby boy’s arrival. But there is no such fanfare for females; their destiny is to cook and clean, to be neither seen nor heard.
When Mr and Mrs Yousafzai were married, a small boy was placed on their laps to encourage the birth of a son. It didn’t work; their firstborn was a girl who ‘popped out kicking and screaming’. And that girl’s father was mocked by relatives for bothering to add her name to the family tree, which, of course, only featured men.
So how did Malala, who barely warranted a mention in her family’s genealogy, become destined for the history books, a powerful symbol for girls’ universal right to an education?
“I am Malala” tells us how.
Almost one year ago, the world became aware of Malala when she was shot by the Taliban for what they deemed a crime: going to school, and fighting for that right.
For fifteen years before that she had grown up with her two younger brothers (the boy-on-the-lap trick eventually worked) in Mingora, the biggest city of Swat Valley in Kyber Pukhtunkwa (KPK), previously known as the North West Frontier.
Malala gained fame – and some notoriety among the strict, anti-Western mullahs – for writing an anonymous blog on girls’ education for BBC Urdu, before revealing her identity and campaigning more vocally on girls’ rights.
But her story, written with renowned foreign correspondent Christina Lamb, starts with details of her upbringing, her grandparents’ and parents’ backgrounds, and her childhood.
The narrative, however, soon becomes like a treacherous KPK road: unpredictable and full obstacles. En route to Malala’s attempted assassination, we read about the 1999 the military takeover of Pakistan; 9/11; yet another war in neighbouring Afghanistan; the assassination of Pakistan’s first woman Prime Minister, Benazir Bhutto; and the killing of Osama Bin Laden – all through the eyes of a girl who is almost as young as this tumultuous young century itself.
After Malala turns ten, Taliban rule hangs over the lives of the people of Swat, like the mountains of the Hindu Kush. She sees the fanatical, barbaric extremists destroy the cherished Buddhist landmarks of her city. She sees them brainwashing her neighbours and pocketing their wages. She also sees, with her own eyes, the beheaded victims of their purges.
But the recurring theme of her tale is the assaults on the rights of women and girls. Every chapter seems to shed a glaring light on women’s subordination.
Their situation deteriorates further when the Taliban gain control of Swat. Despite Islam’s rich history of women in public life, as scholars, politicians, businesswomen and doctors, the Taliban launches an assault on the very heart of equality, blowing up girls’ schools. Malala’s father, a prominent school owner, looks to be in grave danger.
And yet, on October 9 2012, it is the very embodiment of girls’ education that is targeted: Malala. At point-blank range, she is shot in the head on her school bus, the bullet passing her left eye and going into her shoulder. Two of her friends are also hit.
Amid the blood and the chaos and the confusion, the author does not miss a pertinent parallel: that while her attackers are seeking out this outspoken proponent of female education, her mother is, for the first time since she left school at the age of six, attending a class for lessons herself.
This scene, and the ensuing chapters on her touch-and-go state and bit-by-bit recovery, make for harrowing reading. For me, what brought this closer to home was that Malala was the same age as my daughter. When news of her attempted assassination attempt hit, I was quick to make the case to Foreign Secretary William Hague for the UK to offer what assistance it could to help her.
What was even more personal and poignant was reading her reflections on her country. I spent time living in Pakistan, and I am now proud to be the government minister with responsibility for that country – the country from which my parents originate.
Like Malala, Pakistan is relatively young, but it has suffered a great deal in a short time. In recent years, Pakistan has suffered more than 40,000 losses from terrorist attacks. It has also endured some of the world’s worst natural disasters, from the 2005 earthquake to the 2010 floods. At the same time, its political pendulum has swung, shakily, between elections and military takeovers since its birth in 1947, with its first ever full democratic elections taking place only this year.
Malala and her family have an answer to some of the man-made problems: education. As she says, describing her father: “Education had been a great gift to him. He believed that lack of education was the root of all Pakistan’s problems. He believed schooling should be available for all, rich and poor, boys and girls.”
That is why the UK government is working with the government of Pakistan to deliver better quality and more widely available education. This will put four million children in school by 2015, recruit and train new teachers, and construct or rebuild more than 20,000 classrooms. As Malala says, education can transform Pakistan’s future.
She may not have warranted an entry onto her family tree, but today Malala is known across the world. “I’m one of the few fathers known by his daughter,” her father is quoted as saying towards the end of the book. She has turned a potential tragedy into a positive – bringing to the world’s attention that crucial issue of girls’ right to an education. This is certainly not the last we have heard from Malala.
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Guardian: This Ramadan we’ve shown Islam and Britishness are not incompatible
by Admin on August 10, 2013
By Sayeeda Warsi
This week British Muslims and Muslims across the world celebrated Eid al-Fitr. After a month of fasting, prayer and reflection there was a time to celebrate and enjoy family meals. Ramadan has been tough this year – not just because of the long, hot summer days, but because of the recent string of attacks on Muslim communities and the shadow of the terrible events of Woolwich in May.
Since the horrific murder of soldier Lee Rigby on the streets of London, we have seen bombs set off at mosques, a school targeted by arsonists, and a Somali community centre razed to the ground. A month earlier we saw the terrible murder of 82-year-old Mohammed Saleem in Birmingham, a horrific crime for which a man has been charged and which police are treating as an act of terrorism.
The reaction to these attacks among the British Muslim community was striking. Their response wasn’t to retreat; it was to reach out. This Ramadan, hundreds of community iftars (evening meals, when the fast is broken) have been held across the country. They have united people of all faiths and none, many of whom have never been in a mosque before, breaking bread in order to break down barriers. Many of these were part of the Big Iftar, which culminated with the prime minister’s visit to the Jamia Masjid in Manchester on Wednesday.
For me, this was a heartening act of defiance: people who came under attack opening up their doors to the wider community. The Zainabia Islamic Centre in Milton Keynes was firebombed in May and only two months later they were reaching out and hosting a fantastic Big Iftar. Just over a month after a bomb went off nearby, the Aisha mosque in Walsall hosted dozens of people at their community iftar. And when the Muswell Hill Somali community had nowhere to hold their Big Iftar – their centre was burnt down in June – they linked up with their Shia neighbours, the Al-Khoei Foundation, and held their event at their centre in Brent.
These events have been crucial in helping to demystify the faith of Islam – a necessary task. Suspicion of Muslims abounds in this country; excellent research by Matthew Goodwin revealed that around half of the people in Britain thought there would be a clash of civilisations between the west and Islam, and less than a quarter believed that Islam was compatible with the British way of life.
We need to put a stop to this sentiment and any ideas that give rise to Islamophobia. During the prime minister’s visit, he was proud to state that this government has done more than any other to tackle anti-Muslim hatred: setting up a cross-government working group on anti-Muslim hatred; funding the first service to record attacks and support victims; encouraging the Association of Chief Police Officers to disaggregate their religious hate crime data, giving a clearer picture of the problem; changing our Prevent strategy to deal with all forms of extremism including far-right extremism and EDL activity – in fact the next extremism task force meeting, set up by the prime minister in the wake of Woolwich, will be focusing on anti-Muslim hatred. This Ramadan we also held the UK’s first Srebrenica memorial day, the first time the genocide of 8,000 Muslim men and boys has been commemorated outside Bosnia.
But, of course, there is much more to do. Much of my work as minister for faith and communities is centred on showing that there is no conflict between being British and Muslim. One of the most powerful ways of doing that is highlighting the bravery and loyalty Muslims in the British Indian army – hundreds of thousands of them – who fought for king and country during the first world war. This is just one of the ways, like the Big Iftar, that we can change attitudes and strengthen communities.
After all, the aim of those behind the recent attacks on Muslims, as with those behind the brutal murder of Lee Rigby, was to create division and to try to show that Islam and Britishness are not compatible. How they must have seethed when they saw so many people from all walks of life coming together this Ramadan, and so many Muslims doing what is so very British: keeping calm and carrying on.
By Baroness Warsi
Daddy, what did YOU do in the Great War? So goes the famous 1915 recruitment poster, aimed at coaxing fathers across Britain into joining up and playing their part in the ‘war to end all wars’.
One year before we mark the centenary of that conflict, which, of course, didn’t end all wars, we are starting to ask one another a similar question: what did YOUR forefathers do in the Great War?
For me, the centenary offers an opportunity to address the historical blind spot we have when it comes to recognising the contribution of Commonwealth soldiers. After all, think of the First World War and you think trenches and Tommies, poems and poppies. You don’t think of Aussies landing on the scorching shores of Turkey. You don’t think of men from the West Indies travelling to Egypt. And you certainly don’t think of sepoys in turbans, serving on the Western Front. But they deserve to be remembered.
The largest volunteer army was the British Indian Army, which provided 1.2million men to fight. This is a staggering contribution; it’s thought that a tenth of the British war effort came from Indian soldiers. Despite the scale of sacrifice – 74,000 lost their lives in battle – knowledge of the contribution is sadly lacking.
My mission is to make sure their bravery, and that of others, is not forgotten. Immediately after the outbreak of war, divisions from India were dispatched to Europe. Thousands of men travelled across the world to fight for King and country – a King who wasn’t from their land and a country which they’d probably never seen.
It wasn’t just the propaganda that lured these men to battle. It was the glory that bravery would bestow on them, tribally and spiritually – and the 11-Rupee monthly salary.
Why is it so powerful to tell these stories? When I visited the battlefields of France and Belgium earlier this year, I found it incredibly powerful to see the graves of Muslims, Christians, Sikhs, Jews, Hindus, lying together, side by side, just as they had fought side by side. Scanning the countless names of the war memorials, and seeing the Khans and Singhs listed on the Menin Gate, is the most powerful reminder that this was a truly global war.
I don’t have any relatives who fought in that conflict. But both my maternal and paternal grandfathers fought in the Second World War. They were in the Bombay Royal Sappers and Miners Regiment serving, I believe, in Aden and Burma. I feel a great sense of pride knowing that my grandparents were fighting for this country long before my parents even came to these shores.
I hope that uncovering the Commonwealth contribution to the First World War will have a similar impact on other people.
What better way of showing that people of all faiths and all backgrounds can unite in the name of freedom than by illustrating a shared history, one based on unity, freedom and comradeship?
This is particularly potent at a time when questions are regularly raised about loyalty and identity, about who genuinely belongs to this country and about our history. Groups like Al-Muhajiroun and the EDL argue you cannot be British and Muslim.
The story of the Muslim soldiers during the First World War puts paid to this myth. It shows that just under 100 years ago we weren’t only rubbing along together, we were serving the British King together.
I hope that, come 2018, after four years commemorating this war, there will be many more people who know what their relatives did in the First World War.
And that many more will know just how many people – of all ethnicities, races and faiths – fought for the freedoms we Britons enjoy today.
By Baroness Warsi
This weekend, mosques have been opening their doors to people of all faiths, and none, to share iftar, the meal Muslims have when they break their fast each evening during Ramadan. These events have been taking place in scores of community centres, living rooms, parks – even flash mobs – across the country.
It’s all part of the “Big Iftar”: a month-long opportunity to show Islam in practice. It comes at a time when myth-busting is more important than ever; research earlier this year showed that nearly half of all Britons thought that a clash of civilisations between the West and Islam was inevitable, and less than a quarter thought that Muslims were compatible with the British way of life. Regrettably, it proves what I said two years ago: Islamophobia has passed the dinner-table test.
Suspicion can spur some – a small, abhorrent few – into committing acts of hatred. We have seen a worrying spate of incidents over recent weeks and months, with bombs found in West Midlands mosques, arson attacks on a north London centre and a Kent school, all of which followed the tragic murder of Mohammed Saleem, who was stabbed to death in Birmingham as he walked home from evening prayers in April.
A person has been charged in connection with some of these incidents, so we can’t comment on them. But these acts have been treated as acts of terrorism – and rightly so. This response, as Home Secretary Theresa May wrote last week, shows violence against Muslims will not be tolerated in this country. Meanwhile the Communities Secretary, Eric Pickles, wrote to Muslim organisations, outlining the Government’s determination to tackle Islamophobia.
It follows our unprecedented crackdown on anti-Muslim hatred. We have set up a cross-government working group to advise us on the issue. We are the first government to fund an organisation to record anti-Muslim attacks and support victims. And we are warning of the consequences of hatred taking hold, by supporting the first Srebrenica Memorial Day. We are also demonstrating the positive contribution of Muslims to Britain, past and present, by commemorating the thousands from British India who fought for the Allied victory in the First World War.
We should not allow any let-up in our fight against hatred and prejudice. As the Prime Minister said after the horrific murder of Lee Rigby in May, our country will never give in to terror. This means we must stay true to our British tradition of making this country a place where people are free to worship without fear.
We can take inspiration from the Somali community of Muswell Hill, whose centre was razed last month. With the help of the Al-Khoei foundation, they held their own Big Iftar this weekend, to which they invited Mr Pickles. This is a community which has defied those who tried to create division; it has kept calm and carried on. And there couldn’t be anything more British than that.
Clare Balding, presenter: This is Good Morning Sunday and my guest this morning is Baroness Warsi, senior Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, and Minister for Faith and Communities. She’s also a businesswoman, a lawyer, campaigner, and the first Muslim to sit in the British Cabinet. But Sayeeda Warsi didn’t start life as a member of the establishment. She’s one of five daughters born to immigrant parents from Pakistan, and I began by asking her how it was growing up as a Muslim in Yorkshire in the 1970s.
Baroness Warsi, Foreign Office Minister and Faith and Communities Minister: I think there were so many different influences in my life: faith was one of them. But also, growing up in a strong, working-class home was another big influence. Growing up in an all-female family was, again, incredibly interesting, and growing up with an incredibly opinionated father, a completely focused and driven mother, I think all these things played into the person that I became.
CB: And so what were they like? What did your father and mother do?
BW: My mum was a traditional housewife; she ran everybody’s lives. I mean, when they say ‘housewife’, it meant she dealt with everything from the finances to the school runs. And dad just worked all the hours that he had, so he… when we were very young he was working in the mills. Probably my clearest memories are when he was a bus driver, because his bus used to come and stop at the top of the road. I’m sure it’s against every health and safety rule but we used to walk up to give him his lunch but he used to let us get on the bus and then drop us off on the way back. And that was an adventure when we were growing up.
CB: And is he still alive, your father?
BW: Yeah, he’s still alive.
CB: So he saw you become Baroness Warsi?
BW: Yeah. I mean, it’s been an amazing journey for him, arriving when he was about 15 or 16 with literally the clothes on his back, and coming to work in the Yorkshire mill towns. Because he came from an incredibly poor family –his father died when they were relatively young, there’s no system of benefits or a safety net – and going from that, really, within a generation to bringing his girls up – and five girls – each of whom have been successful in their own ways.
CB: And so why did he make that journey, and how? Do you know? Did he ever tell you how he got on?
BW: He had to leave to work, he had to leave to provide, and he had the opportunity to come and work in Britain.
CB: And has he been back to Pakistan much?
BW: Oh he… we used to travel to the ‘old home’ quite regularly when we were children. He would take us back to this home, which didn’t have many facilities; it didn’t have electricity when we first started visiting, and the water was taken from a well. And I think in a way that shaped us, because he would, at the end of that visit, say, ‘and always remember where you came from and never get ahead of yourself and above your station’. I think it’s kept us grounded throughout our life; even when he… you know, dad subsequently went on to set up a business and made it an incredibly successful business and gave us all a very comfortable lifestyle as a result of it, but he constantly reminds us where we came from.
CB: And what was the religious structure of your childhood? Were you celebrating the different festivals, were you regularly going to the mosque?
BW: We had a really interesting Muslim upbringing in the sense that neither of my parents are theologically driven to a single strand of Islam. They’re very pluralistic in their approach and basically said, like… you know, ‘it’s for the Almighty to decide who’s right and who’s wrong; what you can do is try and be a good human being’. And I think from that stemmed our interest in other religions. There are many ways in which people can worship; there are many ways in which people can be good human beings.
CB: Which means it makes absolute entire sense that you should be Minister for Faith and Communities as well as the senior Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office; that you have an incredibly broad experience and you maybe have a way of looking at religious differences and religious similarities just a little bit individually, you know, that you kind of get it.
BW: I think sometimes the debate around religion can become incredibly polarised and I know, from my own exchanges on social networking and Twitter, people are incredibly vociferous – you know, you have to be one or the other. And I’ve always been clear that faith is important, that it’s an important informer of the debate, it’s not an exclusive voice, and that we should be as tolerant of people of faith as we are of people of no faith. For me freedom of religion and belief – which is a big part of my portfolio in human rights in the Foreign Office – means the freedom to have a faith, the freedom not to have a faith, the freedom to change your faith, the freedom to manifest your faith. And to me it’s all about tolerance and acceptance of others. But I think sometimes, both from a faith perspective and a non-faith perspective, people get incredibly polarised in that view.
CB: You talk about the polarisation of religion and, obviously, there are events that occur that inflame that feeling, you know, that people are not the same. The most recent horrific crime – murder – in Woolwich of Drummer Lee Rigby. How do you think that has affected the Muslim community; that those that did it were doing it, they said, for religious reasons, to defend their faith and what they felt was the crimes that were being committed against them?
BW: I think you’re absolutely right; we’re not the same as them. And when I say “we”, I mean all of us in Britain of whatever faith, and of no faith. And what I think has been positive in the midst of all this tragedy is the way in which the British Muslim community have been so unequivocal and unified in their condemnation of what happened. And if you listen to the words of these extremists, it’s very clear that they weren’t out just to destroy and end one person’s life, they were out to destroy the ease between our communities as well. It was about dividing us as a nation, and the strongest way we can defeat that is by saying clearly – all of us, including British Muslims – ‘yeah, you’re not like us, you don’t have the same values and principles as us’; and even more than that, to go further and say, ‘and don’t use my faith as a way of justifying that’. Because I think, as the Prime Minister said, this is as much of a betrayal of the faith of Islam as it was a betrayal of our nation. And what we must do is now harness the togetherness that came out post-Woolwich and make sure that we continue to alienate and isolate these extremists and say to them, you know, ‘not in the name of our nation’, but certainly ‘not in the name of my faith either’.
CB: And I assume that you think that is true as well, from the extremists that have responded very aggressively, you know – whatever they call themselves – of what they see as fighting back.
BW: Well, they need each other. They need each other to survive. And the strongest way we can win is by saying, ‘you are two peas in a pod, you are there to divide and preach hate, and the majority of people in this country do not want any place in your world’.
CB: I’m speaking this morning to Baroness Warsi, and we have an awful lot more to discuss. We’ll do so after your choice of music, which is LeAnn Rimes with Amazing Grace.
LeAnn Rimes and her version of Amazing Grace – the choice of Baroness Warsi, who as well as being a businesswoman, a campaigner, a lawyer, is the first Muslim woman to have served in a British Cabinet and is currently the senior Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, and Minister for Faith and Communities.
Why did you choose that?
BW: It’s haunting. I mean, it makes the hairs on the back of your neck stand up, and it represents so much about faith, about campaigning, about striving. I can listen to that and be calmed and uplifted at the same time.
CB: And what you manage to do very well – and this may be partly your legal training, but it may just be you and having this ability to use grace, for want of a better word; picking up off the song – you manage to argue things through reason and logic and, where possible, try not to get overemotional. Do you think sometimes emotion can cloud the issue?
BW: I think passion sustains you, certainly in politics. I mean, it’s a pretty tough, soul-destroying place most days and you have to have something in the pit of your stomach which so drives you to live the crazy lifestyle and world that we live in politics. But politics is the art of reason and practical outcomes based upon those passions. So I think, yes, you have to be driven by passion but you have to present in a logical way, because, you know, people can’t be persuaded by just huge arguments, there has to be a reason behind it.
CB: And how did you end up in politics? Was this something you’d wanted to do from an early age, or did it rather happen by accident?
BW: Well, I wanted to end up in theatre, I wanted to interpret the old English classics and bring them onto the stage, but my mother decided that I had to either be a lawyer or an accountant or an engineer. So I opted for law. And then, really, I suppose, was involved in volunteering and campaigning. But I think the turning point – certainly came for me – was September 11. Having spent most of my life campaigning on the issues of racial equality and getting to the point where, despite the challenges that still existed, I was incredibly comfortable being Asian and British, I woke up after September 11 and realised I was no longer Asian and British, I was now Muslim and British, and there was a whole new battle to fight. I left Britain and spent about nine months away, and then realised I’d taken the easy route and that if I really felt that things could be better then I needed to come back.
CB: And when did you have that epiphany? When you were away? And where did you go? Did you suddenly realise, ‘I’m, sort of, opting out here’?
BW: I had a bit of a midlife crisis, I think, and… there was this amazing moment where all this was going on in the background and I was looking at an Auto Trader and looking at this classic car and I thought, ‘I actually need to get off the wheel and I need to go and find what really matters in life’. And so I went to the Punjab, where my parents originated from, and spent nine months working in the field – pretty, kind of, awful conditions – set up a charity specifically for women, run by women, which works with widows and divorcees and orphan girls, the most marginalised people in Pakistani society, and, touch wood, it’s still running today.
CB: That’s amazing. I never knew you’d done that. And then you came back and thought, ‘right, what’s my next challenge?’
BW: When I was in Pakistan I realised that this was the place where my parents had… were born and raised, and although I understood the language and I enjoyed the food… you know, I was intrigued by the culture and I loved the music, but I needed to come back home and I needed to come back and play my part so that my kids would grow up in a home which was much more comfortable. When people say to me, you know,’ you talk so vociferously about how awful it is sometimes to be in politics’, and ‘why do you do politics?’ and I say, ‘so that my kids don’t have to’.
CB: We spoke earlier about education, the importance of education and people understanding different faiths. You’re also very, very strong on the education of women.
BW: The single issue that changed my life and the lives of my sisters was the fact that my parents were committed to an education, and I think that, you know, if the daughter of an immigrant mill worker ended up at the Cabinet table it’s because she got an education. And I think it’s the single most empowering thing that you can give to a woman. For me, I suppose, that came into the fore as Minister with responsibility for Pakistan. We saw young Malala Yousafzai escape death in the end purely because she wanted to have an education. I think she was probably the biggest iconic way of explaining how important it is for us to carry on doing the work that we do in terms of international development and supporting the education of girls in places like Pakistan.
CB: Who do you admire within our political system right now? Who are the people that you think, ’oh, so and so’s speaking, I must listen, that’ll be interesting’?
BW: The House of Lords is phenomenal for clever people who make these huge arguments in such an eloquent way. I mean, the equal marriage Bill that’s going through the House of Lords now, just listening to some of the arguments on both sides is just fantastic. I mean, it’s Parliament at its best.
CB: And you abstained on that vote, and your argument is that, legally, you don’t think that that Bill is watertight?
BW: I have concerns about some of the protections that are being put in place for faith communities; just as strongly as I believe that faith communities should not be forced to do something that they’re not comfortable with, I am just as strong to say faith communities should not force their will upon other people as well. And I think it’s, therefore, important that we strike the balance right, so that when this legislation does come into play that it’s workable and that we don’t end up with years of legal challenge thereafter, which I think will sour anything that we’re trying to achieve.
CB: You are Britain’s first-ever Minister for Faith. There will be others who follow you. How do you want to see that role develop, and what do you personally want to achieve in it?
BW: It was something that I was incredibly passionate about, and I do sincerely hope that future governments keep the role. The importance of it is that, I think, on one level it normalises the concept of faith communities and what they stand for. The last Archbishop of Canterbury put it incredibly well when he said, you know, ‘faith seems to be about oddities, minorities and foreigners’. And it’s not; it’s an important informer of the debate and it’s important that those voices are heard in decision-making in Government. From a Foreign Office perspective, I’ve seen many, many occasions where being a British minister of the Muslim faith, there are many barriers that come down in our conversations with other countries, and there are many debates, especially around human rights and others, which are sometimes seen as slightly sensitive, which I’m prepared to go further on and be bolder on and we achieve more on, because I don’t feel I carry any baggage or I don’t have to justify myself as ‘the West’. My faith, in many ways, you know, gives me the equivalent of that beer which allows me as a minister to reach the parts that maybe some of my colleagues can’t.
CB: Well, I wish you well in your continued adventure, and I hope that the next challenge you take on is equally satisfying and that you’re as good at it. Baroness Warsi, thank you.
BW: Thank you.
It is vital that the role of Empire troops in the First World War is acknowledged, says Baroness Warsi
By Jane Merrick, Kashmira Gander
The contribution of 1.2 million soldiers from the Indian subcontinent and others from the Commonwealth who fought for Britain in the First World War must be recognised when the nation marks the centenary of the start of fighting next year, Sayeeda Warsi, the Communities and Foreign Office minister, says today.
Remembering the “forgotten heroes” who fought for the Allies is essential to bringing different ethnic communities in Britain together for the 2014 centenary, particularly in the wake of the Woolwich attack, Baroness Warsi says.
The minister has written to Maria Miller, the Culture Secretary, who is in charge of the Government’s commemoration programme, asking her to ensure that the “shared heritage” of today’s generation of young Britons whose ancestors fought on the Western Front is a key part of next year’s events.
One plan being looked at is to send servicemen and women into schools to tell the stories of Commonwealth soldiers.
A huge contribution was made by the 74,000 from the Indian Army who died in the war, among whom were Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus from India and what later became Pakistan and Bangladesh. Officers and infantry from the Indian Army were the first foreign force to fight alongside Britain on the Western Front. They also fought in Mesopotamia, now Iraq, Gallipoli, and East Africa. There were also 15,000 soldiers from the Caribbean recruited into the British West Indies Regiment.
Plans for the 2014-2018 commemorations were launched earlier this month and include educational programmes to ensure today’s schoolchildren learn about the horrors and lessons of the Great War. While the launch of the programme was overshadowed by a row over whether Germany could be criticised, there have been efforts behind the scenes to ensure soldiers from the wider Commonwealth are remembered.
Lady Warsi, the first Muslim to sit at the Cabinet table and whose own grandfathers fought alongside Britain in the Second World War, says that many young people, including British Muslims, may not be aware that their ancestors fought for king and country nearly 100 years ago.
“Every person who lives in this country owes a debt of gratitude to those who fought for the freedoms we enjoy today,” she says. “Their legacy is our liberty. But there are lots of people whose ancestry lies beyond this island who may feel disconnected from the Great War commemorations.
“A Muslim lad in Bradford or a girl whose parents are from Jamaica may think, ‘What has all this got to do with me?’. Revealing to people that their forefathers fought too – that they saw their loyalty to the British crown as synonymous with their duty to their god or guru – shows that this was a truly global war, where people of all nationalities and religions came together in the name of freedom.”
Lady Warsi, who visited war graves in northern France and Belgium earlier this year, has commissioned projects actively to promote the role of the “forgotten heroes”.
These include Mir Dast, an officer in the 57th Rifles of the Indian Army, who was awarded the Victoria Cross, Britain’s highest award for gallantry. Coming under a German surprise gas attack at Ypres in April 1915, Dast, who had no gas mask, dipped the end of his turban into chloride of lime and held it over his mouth as he held the line against the enemy. Despite being wounded in the hand and gassed, he saved the lives of eight officers. Later, in hospital in Brighton, he wrote to his family in the North-West Frontier Province: “I am in England. I have been twice wounded, once in the left hand, of which two fingers are powerless. The other injury is from gas. The men who came from our regiment have done very well and will do so again. The Victoria Cross is a very fine thing, but this gas gives me no rest. It has done for me.”
The determination to recognise Commonwealth soldiers has been given extra momentum by the killing of Drummer Lee Rigby in Woolwich last month, allegedly by two Muslims who denounced Britain for sending soldiers to Afghanistan.
Lady Warsi says: “The fact that, less than 100 years ago, hundreds of thousands of Muslims fought for the freedoms we enjoy today puts paid to any myth that Muslims do not support our Armed Forces or the values they stand for. There is no better riposte to those who say that there is a clash of civilisations between Islam and the West than remembering the fact that Tommies and Tariqs fought side by side on the battlefields.
“Seeing the graves of Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs lying side by side with their Christian and Jewish comrades on the fields where they fought together and died together was incredibly powerful.
“We often imagine how hard it was for the lads from Britain, who knew little of life beyond their own towns and villages, arriving in Flanders fields. Think, then, what it must have been like for the thousands who sailed over from the Indian subcontinent, arriving in a landscape so sodden that people actually drowned in the mud.
“Our boys weren’t just Tommies – they were Tariqs and Tajinders too, and we have a duty to remember their bravery and commemorate their sacrifices. I have made it my mission to ensure that the centenary is a chance for everyone to learn about the contribution of the Commonwealth soldiers and those who might otherwise be forgotten.”
Britain’s record in the Empire may be inglorious, with the most recent reminder being the compensation paid out to victims of torture and abuse by British soldiers in the Mau Mau uprising in Kenya in the 1950s.
Richard Smith, lecturer at Goldsmiths College, University of London, and author of Jamaican Volunteers in the First World War, said: “The war should be remembered as a truly imperial war. People from all corners of the Empire not only served as soldiers, sailors, aircrew, labourers and carriers, but also produced the raw materials essential for the war effort such as rubber, oil, timber and food.
“At the same time, we also need to commemorate the war in ways relevant to the multicultural nature of contemporary Britain. While those with Indian, African and Caribbean backgrounds may have ancestors who fought for the Empire, many will have ancestors who fought in opposing forces or who lived in non-combatant countries.
“We should also remember that the discrimination experienced by many volunteers for the Empire forces led them to campaign for independence after the war.”
Jahan Mahmood, a historian who teaches children from South Asian backgrounds about their ancestors’ contribution to both world wars, said that, despite the British Empire’s record, it was essential to pay tribute to Commonwealth soldiers.
He said: “To feel a sense of belonging and connection, there has to be something more than just a passport. Why was it that certain communities came to Britain, from South Asia and the Caribbean? They were part of the Empire.
“Their contribution to the wars is a story that we seem to have completely forgotten. After Woolwich, there were stories being passed around about the Muslim contribution to Britain. We seem to have forgotten that when Britain was in a state of war, they came to assist us in our battle against, initially, Germany.”
You won’t find a bigger supporter of the Sun’s ‘case against Choudary’ campaign than me.
For years I’ve been saying that this nutter, and hate mongers like him, are poisonous and destructive.
My run-ins with Choudary go way back.
When I stood for Parliament in 2005, he and his mates from Al-Muhajiroun called me a ‘kafar’, a non-believer, because I strongly believed in democracy and politics.
In 2006 on Newsnight he accused me of not being a Muslim because I wasn’t wearing a veil.
Three years later his mates pelted me with eggs and shouted obscenities at me in Luton as punishment for being a Muslim woman in a public role.
What really riled me, though, was seeing this man on the box, the day after the brutal murder of Drummer Lee Rigby, trying to glorify and justify this terrible attack.
It’s because I believe in free speech, that I believe in shouting people down rather than shutting them up – winning the argument, not banning the conversation.
That’s why I gladly took on British National Party leader Nick Griffin on Question Time – so I could challenge his racist views.
But I felt, in the days after Woolwich, it was deeply irresponsible for broadcasters to give large amount of airtime to this vile Choudary – allowing him to spout his bile to millions
He and his mob, who are no more than a handful of followers, do not represent British Muslims. His views are abhorred by British Muslims.
He doesn’t represent Muslims any more than Tommy Robinson and the English Defence League represents the English.
In fact, there are real similarities between people like Choudary and Robinson. Both perpetuate a polarised view of the world. Both practice the politics of fear. Both seek to divide communities.
They are two sides of the same rusty coin.
What’s laughable with Choudary is that he tries to dress up his hate speech as intellectual argument and theology.
He’s thinks the length of a man’s beard corresponds to the size of his intellect.
Never mind being unBritish, his behaviour is unIslamic.
His violent rhetoric is completely at odds with the teachings of the faith of Islam.
The fact is British Muslim communities are as repulsed and outraged by him as everyone else is.
Their strong, united, unequivocal condemnation of the cowardly attack in Woolwich, and rejection of hate speech like Choudary’s, was heartening in the midst of the horror.
We need to stand together with these communities, support them as they face reprisal attacks, and applaud them and join them as they say ‘not in my name’.
This week we had the first meeting of the task force on tackling extremism and radicalisation.
The Prime Minister charged each of us with finding any way and every way to send a clear message to extremists: we will not tolerate you.
We will support British Muslim communities in their campaigns to stop mobs like Choudary’s trying to take over their mosques.
We will show that there’s no place for them in our institutions – there’s nowhere for them to hide.
And, as the Sun revealed this week, we will look at ways to stop them living off the taxes of people who work hard and do the right thing, halting their State handouts.
Because that is one of the most galling things of all: Choudary taking home thousands of pounds in benefits when his only pasttime is peddling poison.
He may snigger about his ‘Jihad Seeker’s Allowance’. But the joke’s on him: the faith he professes to belong to, my faith, prohibits taking money when you’re fit to work and there is work available.
This is a hate preacher who doesn’t even practice what he preaches.
Just as communities and government have a role, broadcasters have a role too. Of course they have a right to interview who they want.
But they also have a responsibility too. Because every one of Choudary’s appearances undoes the hard work of interfaith, community-building work that people do every day.
That’s the other task in hand: creating a more integrated society – one which is resilient enough to stand up to those who are hell-bent on dividing us.
A resilient society is one whose members sign up to common values.
It is a place where people demonstrate fairness, tolerance and responsibility.
Where everyone feels pride in our nation and pride in the brave people who defend our nation, like Drummer Rigby.
Like it or lump it, that’s the British deal.
And if people don’t like it, they can, as I said to Choudary many years ago, make life easier for us all and get off our island.
By Joe Murphy
London has a “golden opportunity” to become the global centre of the booming Islamic finance business, a Cabinet minister will say tonight.
Baroness Warsi wants the City to respond to the potential of a sector set to expand by £400 billion in the next two years, offering billions in earnings as well as funding for major infrastructure projects to benefit the country.
“It’s about making Britain the preferred choice for the Muslim world to invest in and do business in,” the senior Foreign Office minister will tell the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies.
Islamic finance has already helped to fund some of the capital’s newest landmarks, including the Shard, the Olympic Village and redevelopments at Chelsea Barracks and Harrods.
“Each is a powerful reminder of the sector’s rapid rise and the importance of engaging with potentially lucrative new markets in the Muslim world and beyond,” the minister will say.
“It is not a silver bullet but it is a golden opportunity.” Her speech will come ahead of the ninth World Islamic Economic Forum this October in London, the first in a non-Muslim country.
She will reveal that the Government is considering a major overseas promotion for UK financial institutions and is looking at establishing a regulator and accreditation for educational courses.
Islamic finance requires ethical fin-ancing arrangements that avoid Riba, or the lending of money at exorbitant rates — prohibited in Islamic law. Leasing deals and forms of joint venture are among ways major investments can be set up in compliance with the rules.
Globally the market has grown 50 per cent faster than traditional banking and was less hit by the financial crash.
Baroness Warsi will say: “There is a clear demand which must be met and, in order to retain London’s status as the financial centre of the world, the City must respond.”
“Every religion has extremists and terrorists who will do things and will somehow find a religious basis upon which to do it, but what you do not do is tarnish the entire community off the back of it.” These are the words of Baroness Sayeeda Warsi, minister for faith and communities and senior minister of state at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Islamophobia is a key area of concern in the UK. This was highlighted in the recent tensions following the brutal murder of British soldier Drummer Lee Rigby, when anti-Muslim groups took to the streets of London in protest. There have been concerns that the attack may cause a surge in anti-Muslim violence and create conflict between community groups. The English Defence League (EDL) and the British National Party (BNP) have used the attack as an opportunity to promote their policies, which are widely believed to be discriminatory against Muslims and other ethnic minority groups. In response to the attacks, Baroness Warsi told Weekly Zaman: “Terrorists and extremists will fail in their objective to divide us. We will emerge a stronger and more united country from this tragic event and will not be divided by those who seek to cause unrest. It is heartening that we saw a resolute voice from the British Muslim communities to condemn these attacks and show their support for our armed forces.”
In 2011, Warsi said that Islamophobia in the UK had “passed the dinner-table test” in that it had become “socially accepted” in the most civilised of settings. Today she says that tragically statistics suggests that she was right. A key spokesperson for religious communities in the UK, Warsi told Weekly Zaman what the UK government is doing to combat religious bigotry and highlights the role of both the media and Muslim individuals in portraying the true face of Islam.
Ten years after the murder of Stephen Lawrence, the UK has made some positive steps towards tackling racism against Britain’s black communities, do you think that Islamophobia has become a new, more “socially accepted” form of prejudice?
When I was growing up, what really focused much of the equalities debate was around the colour of your skin, so I always defined myself as black British or Asian British. But I think in many ways, following 11 September and the events that followed, and possibly I think even before that, there was a culture that was starting to develop where people were beginning to be defined by their religion rather than by their race. I stopped being British Asian and I became British Muslim and there was a whole new kind of battle all over again. In 2011, I said that Islamophobia had passed the “dinner-table test” and what I meant by that was that even in the most civilised of settings, in dinner parties, it was acceptable to say things about Muslims in the way that you wouldn’t say about other communities. Now early statistics from the police show that actually [in terms of] religious hate crime, hate crimes against Muslims [make up] one of the largest [groups affected] and so we’re starting to kind of uncover the extent of the problem I think there is still a long way to go, but we’ve now started on the right path.
What differentiates Islamophobia from racism? Do you think that there is genuine fear born out of a lack of understanding and education about the Muslim faith?
I think there’s much overlap. Racism or any kind of bigotry is a fear of the other and much of that fear of the other is based upon the unknown and the less you know about people, the more likely you are to be bigoted about them. What we found is that sometimes extremist groups flourish in those areas where there aren’t that many ethnic minorities, so they don’t have that much day-to-day contact and experience of minority communities. I think if people do feel concerned about Islam and what that means for Britain, it’s important to have a debate on those issues. There’s also responsibility on Muslims to project a face of Islam which is the true face of Islam. I have great admiration and love for my faith, but I don’t always have a lot of time for the followers of that faith because of the way in which they do things in the name of faith which are completely against the teachings of Islam. We’ve seen extremists which resulted in the tragic consequences of 7/7 who do this in the name of their faith, but actually it’s not in any way supported by the faith of Islam. Each and every one of us is an ambassador in the way in which we conduct ourselves in public life and the way in which we conduct ourselves in private life.
What are your thoughts in regards to the UK’s acceptance of the headscarf? There aren’t currently any parliamentarians in the UK government that wear a hijab. Would the Conservative Party welcome a prospective member who wore a headscarf?
If you go onto mainland Europe, in some front offices you can’t even wear a headscarf. I think here in the United Kingdom there is no mainstream political party that has called for the banning of hijabs. In fact, [Home Secretary] Theresa May and my other colleagues have come out very strongly defending the right of women to be able to wear what they want. Britain is a very tolerant, very accepting society, and I think that the hijab is actually a very elegant garment as well. Salma Yaqoob is a frontline politician who has worn the hijab and she does a lot of media. I do not think that wearing a hijab should stop you from getting on in life and I also think that you have to be true to yourself, you have to do what’s comfortable for you and I’ve said that telling women to wear the hijab and cover up is exactly the same as telling women not to cover up and not to wear the hijab, and ultimately, as women, I think we need to fight the battle and make sure that men stay out of our wardrobes.
Do you think that the British education system nurtures a positive attitude towards a multi-faith, multi-cultural society? What role do faith schools play in this?
I think the way in which the Conservatives have supported the academy programme and the free schools programme very much puts this back into the hands of the head teacher. A good head teacher will look at the make-up of their school. In terms of faith schools, I think this depends on individual parental choice. In the past, the only reason why parents have sent their children to faith schools was because that was the only place where their children would get a decent education; the faith element of faith schools is not always the reason why people go there. There is a fantastic Jewish faith school in Birmingham and 70 per cent of the kids that go there are Muslim. So they’re not going there to be Jewish. They’re going there because it’s just a great school. My daughter is Muslim and she spent most of her primary education up till the age of 11 at an Anglican convent school, she wasn’t there to become a Christian but actually it was a great school which provided a good education.
Do you think that as Britain becomes increasingly secular in terms of its culture that there is an increased lack of tolerance for religious groups and faith communities in general?
Britain needs to be sure about its own Christian heritage. I believe that there is an aggressive form of secularism, unfortunately not just in Britain but across Europe, which somehow supports the view that there has to be no concept of faith in the public domain. People do not leave their religion on their doorstep as they leave home. It is something that makes them: It’s what they eat; it’s what they say, it’s what they wear, it’s who they are. It is about being able to have a religion and also about being able to not have a religion. That’s fine, but there are very few people of religion who I meet who say, “You’re not allowed not to have a religion”, but there are a lot of people who are not very religious who spend a lot of time telling people that they shouldn’t be.
Do you think that the recent success of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) in the local elections — considering the party’s focus on immigration — is suggestive of a growing racial tension in the UK?
No, I think that the growth of UKIP is because it’s not the other parties. I think people always in mid-term feel the need to protest and feel that they want to have their voice heard. But I think there is also an underlying sense of unease about the pace and change of some of our communities. I think it’s important as mainstream political parties we do say that in this country we have to be quite analytical about what we need at any one time, the skills that we need at any one time, where we can go out and get them from and how we actually make sure that communities change in pace with how we can meet the demands of those communities.
Does the government have to be careful with reducing the immigration figures to make sure that it doesn’t have a negative impact on Britain’s multi-faith communities? Creating an “us and them” attitude?
No. I think actually having a strong policy on controlled immigration which is frank and open will do more for community relations than actually impact [negatively] upon them. If you talk to many ethnic minority communities, what you’ll find is: Who are the children who find it hardest to access a decent education? They’re usually from the black minority ethnic communities. Who are the people who usually find it the most difficult to access work? It’s usually women from the black and minority ethnic communities. So the challenges of mass immigration and uncontrolled immigration impact just as much upon minority communities as they do on white communities. So, I think being very honest to say, look, immigration is not a racial debate; it’s not about the colour of your skin. If you look at most of the recent concerns about immigration, it has been about people from Eastern Europe who are white. So it’s not about race, it’s not about religion, it’s actually about resourcing and what at any one time the country needs and what at any one time the country can sustain. The more frank and honest we are in that debate, the less room we leave for extremist parties to use it to propagate their own agendas. Do you think that the media’s portrayal of Islamic extremism in the form of terrorist groups, like al-Qaeda, the connections frequently made between terrorist organisations following the tragedies of 9/11 and 7/7 and the current conflicts in Mali, Syria, Somalia etc., add to the British public’s distrust of the Islamic faith? People who do violent acts in the name of a faith of course bring that faith into disrepute and that’s why when I’ve challenged extremists as a Muslim. Sometimes I feel a bigger responsibility to challenge extremism because I know their behaviour leads to direct consequences for me and my family. And every religion — Christianity, Judaism, Hinduism, Buddhists in Burma — every religion has extremists and terrorists who will do things and will somehow find a religious basis upon which to do it, but what you do not do is tarnish the entire community off the back of it. You cannot say that British Muslims are defined by al-Qaeda any more than you can say that British people are defined by the British National Party or that English people are defined by the English Defence League.
In the same light, what effect do you think that the media’s portrayal of Abu Qatada has had on the relationship between Muslim and non-Muslim British communities?
For many, many years, long before even the government tried to get Abu Qatata to leave our shores, people within the British Muslim community have been asking for him to be thrown off our shores because what they said was that his preaching was having a detrimental effect on community relations. It was young Muslims who were being led astray because of his preaching — mothers who would lose their sons and their daughters because of what they were hearing from this man. And so I think we are united: Muslims and non-Muslims, people of all backgrounds are united. Anybody who tries to divide us as a nation is not welcome here and I completely support Theresa May’s efforts to get him to leave.
What effects do you think that this week’s attack in Woolwich will have on the relationship between Muslim and non-Muslim communities?
Terrorists and extremists will fail in their objective to divide us. We will emerge a stronger and more united country from this tragic event and will not be divided by those who seek to cause unrest. What is heartening is that we saw a resolute voice from the British Muslim communities to condemn these attacks and show their support for our armed forces.
Immigration is one of the biggest political issues of our time – yet for too long we weren’t allowed to discuss it for fear of being labelled racist.
Remember Gillian Duffy? In 2010, when the Rochdale pensioner raised her concerns about the numbers of people coming into Britain, Gordon Brown called her a bigot.
She and thousands like her were deemed narrow-minded for questioning Labour’s mass immigration policy – a policy that saw 2.2 million migrants arrive during Labour’s 13-year rule.
At the time, we were consistently told that this was for economic reasons, that we needed more newcomers to boost productivity.
In fact, it was also a politically motivated ploy to change the make-up of Britain. According to former Labour adviser Andrew Neather, it was designed to ‘rub the Right’s nose in diversity and render their arguments out of date’.
But after a decade of misguided social engineering, today’s politicians have a responsibility to confront this issue; as Conservative politicians, I believe it is our duty.
To do this we need to change the nature of the debate – and we’ve had some success. As the then chair of the Equalities and Human Rights Commission Trevor Phillips said, David Cameron has deracialised the immigration dilemma.
Cutting the numbers of immigrants has nothing to do with race but to do with the pressure on services such as schools, hospitals and housing.
To use a former Conservative election mantra, it’s not racist to limit immigration and our aim has always been to cut it.
That is why we announced last week in the Queen’s Speech that the new Immigration Bill will stop illegal immigrants being able to access public services, make it easier for us to deport foreign criminals, and change the law to stop spurious appeals.
I can’t think of anyone who would argue that British taxpayers should subsidise healthcare or benefits for those who are not entitled to them.
As an immigration lawyer, I saw too many unmeritorious cases, legal loopholes, delays to proceedings and claims that were nothing more than cons and scams.
As the daughter of an immigrant, I have no hesitation in confronting this issue and saying this is not about the colour of people’s skin, it’s about the capacity of our country.
Nearly a decade ago, while canvassing on the streets of my hometown of Dewsbury, West Yorkshire, it became clear that the pace of change in our communities was creating a sense of unease.
Labour’s dispersal policy, where huge numbers of asylum-seekers were dropped into small towns and villages, had serious social consequences.
Large numbers of predominantly young male asylum seekers were moved to West Yorkshire. Families who had been used to living next door to each other for generations suddenly found they were next to large groups of young men.
Small villages on the outskirts of Wakefield, already challenged by multiple deprivation issues, suddenly found themselves the unwilling hosts of large and traumatised communities fleeing war zones.
Fights on the streets and racial attacks became an all-too-often occurrence, with both locals and new arrivals feeling unsupported, unsafe and uneasy.
This is important. We rely on people to get along and live alongside each other comfortably but if people start to feel a sense of unease, it starts to eat away at the fabric of society.
Too often the economic case for more immigration is made; it’s time to make the economic case for less immigration.
So often those people who are struggling at the bottom end of the social sphere – struggling with schools, jobs and access to good healthcare – are themselves from minority ethnic backgrounds.
They’re not immigrants but second or third generation Bangladeshi, Somali or Pakistani.
I talk about this because it matters and it’s personal. The backlash of far-Right extremism that foments because of this underlying current of anxiety is directed at people like my children, simply because they are not white. We have as much of an interest in this as anyone.
Even those on the Left have been forced to admit that immigration is a problem, yet it is those on the Right who have credibility on this issue.
I genuinely believe the Conservatives have got the correct vision and I also know we’re starting to deliver.
In three years, we have managed to get a grip on Britain’s out-of-control immigration, cutting the numbers of those coming here by a third.
This has been achieved by what Theresa May has been doing: Cracking down on bogus colleges and reforming the student visa system, capping the number of people who come here and tightening up our borders.
As a result, net immigration into the UK in the year ending June 2012 was 163,000 compared with 235,000 in June 2010.
This is still way too high; we need to go further and faster. Labour introduced convoluted procedures for what they thought were controls but they didn’t work.
The system was so overloaded and inefficient, there was a sense that people thought that if they delayed their case for long enough, they would be allowed to stay. They were right.
So our measures are not only fair, they’re long overdue. I know what benefits immigration can bring.
When my father arrived in Dewsbury from the Punjab, he got a job in the rag mills.
Hard work and an in-built sense of wanting to improve his life took him from being a mill worker to a mill owner.
The fact is we wouldn’t be the country we are today without the people who came here after the War – people like my dad – to work in our industries and help rebuild the country.
Britain wouldn’t be competing in the global race without the races from around the globe that make up our diverse nation.
We are rightly proud that Britain is a tolerant, diverse society – and that is something we must protect. We will always be open to the brightest, the best and those genuinely in need. What we can’t do is open the doors to anyone and everyone.
For those who do come here to live, our message is equally robust. If you aspire to join our nation, if you aspire to come to these shores, then you must sign up to our shared values of fairness, responsibility and playing your part.
You must join our common language and make every effort to integrate into society. We are no longer a soft touch and there are no more free rides.
As the Minister who is responsible for integration, I am working hard on policies that support this message.
As a mainstream, responsible party we must not be ashamed or frightened to make the case as to why these controls are essential.
We have to acknowledge that people such as Gillian Duffy have legitimate concerns and we must be the ones to articulate a solution.
This is nothing to do with current electoral realities, nor is it a repositioning of the party. On the contrary, I think we’ve grown more confident.
Now we need to communicate what we have already achieved, and we need to continue to confront the issues that our predecessors thought too taboo.
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