Baroness Warsi attended the Channel S Awards where she spoke and presented the Lifetime Achievement Award.
The awards ceremony brought together achievers from every generation of Bangladeshi’s in Britain to celebrate their successes and legacies. One of the most influential awards schemes for promoting the British-Bangladeshi community in the UK, it recognises the hidden talents within the community and rewards them. Channel S has taken this step every year since 2007 and has proven successful every year and in 2012 planned to recognise and reward the hard-work individuals do in the community.
NTRODUCTION
As Tory Chairman I spend a lot of my time taking on unions – namely the ones that fund Labour’s campaigns.
But today I want to come out and defend a Union.
One which has benefitted us all for centuries.
One which is key to our success as a nation.
And one which we must work flat-out to keep intact:
The Union between Scotland, Wales, England and Northern Ireland.
That is why I wholeheartedly support the launch of the Conservative Friends of the Union group.
Which couldn’t have a better champion than the dynamic, enthusiastic, vibrant and hugely patriotic Ruth Davidson.
Now we’ve all heard – and will continue to hear – the reasons why we should preserve our Union.
But as someone who is referred to as the campaigning chairman…
…who goes up and down the country every week to argue our case, fight for our cause….
…I want to explain exactly how I believe we can prevent the breakup of the Union.
THE SNP
Some people say this is a debate about one man who is determined to break up the Union: Alex Salmond.
One correspondent wrote to me at CCHQ about his fears about a referendum.
He said: Be wary of Alex Salmond ‘winding people up with the pipes and drums’.
Now I’ve never seen Mr Salmond with pipes or drums.
But I have seen him banging the drum for division.
And it is our job to drown out this separatist rhetoric with a positive case for keeping the Union intact.
POSITIVE CAMPAIGN
In doing this we should be inspired by last year’s No to AV campaign.
We started off by exposing how terrible the voting system was: complicated, expensive and pointless.
But that alone wouldn’t have won us the argument.
What really clinched it was when we demonstrated how powerful, how precious our existing system of ‘one person, one vote’ was.
As soon as we showed what was at stake, we were well away.
It became a positive campaign.
A ‘you don’t know what you’ve got till it’s gone’ campaign.
And a campaign which helped us see off AV by an massive margin.
So this campaign needs to not just be about Scotland being worse off without us.
But how Scotland is better off in the UK, and the UK is better off when we are united.
Yes, the easier thing to do would be to pick holes in the alternative – and we certainly will.
But when you’re fighting for something so fundamental, the more mature, more difficult, more powerful thing to do is make a positive case.
I believe in a politics where people vote for something.
We must show people that in voting to save the Union, they are voting for stability, strength and prosperity.
That’s why we are launching the Enemies of Independence group but the Friends of the Union.
NATIONAL INTEREST
We also need to make clear that the Conservatives are fighting for unity in spite of the boost independence would give us.
Many have pointed out that lopping Scotland off the electoral map would guarantee us future majorities.
It would be the biggest gerrymander in history – and we would be the winners.
But Conference, we want what is right for our country.
It’s a bit like our mission to sort out the deficit – it’s not popular, but it’s right for the UK.
And just as we won’t leave future generations with a mammoth debt.
We also cannot leave them with a collection of weakened nations – nations which once stood as a strong Union.
PATRIOTISM
At the same time we cannot allow Alex Salmond to hijack patriotism.
He says that if you love Scotland, if you believe in its future, you must support independence.
But we need to make something clear: that a person’s loyalty to Scotland is not in question if they are also loyal to the United Kingdom.
I can vouch for this having spent my life – being English, British, northern and Muslim – proving that my loyalties are not divided.
And I have been able to do so because Britain is a place of diversity, of multiple identities.
A place where you can be a stoic Scot and a proud Brit.
And that is why patriotism does not equate to separatism.
CONCLUSION
This referendum, like AV, will be all about the communication of the case.
And how I like to explain the independence question is by likening it to a relationship.
If someone says ‘this isn’t working’ it’s natural to say ‘I don’t want you either’.
The rest of the Union could say the same to Scotland.
But, as with a relationship, if it’s worth fighting for then you show them what they mean to you.
It’s the same with Scotland’s place in the Union.
We need to show just what this relationship means to us.
And that Scotland is better off in Britain and Britain is better off with Scotland.
Campaigning is in the DNA of the Conservative Party.
So too is our commitment to the Union.
We are, after all, the Conservative and Unionist Party.
So let’s get out there and show it.
INTRODUCTION
Thank you very much for inviting me.
Giving the Ebor Lecture is very significant for me.
Not only because I’m Yorkshire born and bred.
But because I have spent my governmental career arguing on your very theme:
The growing need for faith to interact with public issues in today’s society.
It started with a speech in 2010 when I declared that our government would make a clean break with the past administration and would ‘do God’.
Since then many have pointed out that, as a Cabinet Minister without Portfolio, I have assigned myself the portfolio of faith…
Even His Holiness Pope Benedict referred to me during his 2010 UK visit as the Minister for God!
Exactly one month ago today I led our country’s reciprocal visit to the Vatican.
It was our largest ever ministerial delegation to the Holy See.
As I walked through a sun-drenched St Peter’s Square with the Archbishop of Westminster it was a very special moment.
Knowing that he a Catholic, me a Muslim, and many of my colleagues were united in a common aim:
To demonstrate the importance of faith and the important links between our respective beliefs.
When I then spoke at the Pontifical Ecclesiastical Academy there I wanted to make one simple point:
That Europe needs to feel stronger and more confident in its Christianity.
That you simply cannot erase Christianity from our heritage any more than you can erase the spires from our landscapes.
And that this firm basis creates a space for people of minority faiths.
I wanted that point to ring out beyond the Vatican walls.
To be heard far away where states were repressing religion.
To be heard closer to home where secularism was squeezing out faith…
…perpetuated both by the well-intentioned who want to create a level playing field for all beliefs by diminishing faith…
…and by those ideologically opposed to faith altogether.
In the month since I made that argument, it has started quite an interesting debate.
With Her Majesty the Queen expressing similar thoughts the following day in her speech at Lambeth Palace…
With atheist Richard Dawkins, during a Radio 4 interview, invoking the Almighty when he tried to dismiss faith…
With the backlash against councils attempting to ban prayers…
And, finally, when I was travelling back from a Conservative Social Action project in Bosnia…
…and ended up on a plane with Alastair Campbell – the very Labour spin doctor who famously declared that the last government did not ‘do God’.
It may have seemed like fate…
But instead of confronting Mr Campbell I decided I would continue to tackle militant, intolerant secularism in more public forums, such as this.
So today I intend to look back over the last month, at the reaction to the speech I made.
At those who hit back and said faith was irrelevant.
At those who said Britain and Europe are not Christian.
At those who said faith is not under attack.
And at those who said faith should not have a seat at the table in public life.
RELEVANCE OF FAITH
First, there were many who said I shouldn’t have even been talking about faith at all.
That faith is irrelevant to today’s society.
That I was backing the wrong horse.
But look at all the responses I’ve had – my biggest postbag on any issue.
Thanking me for ‘standing up for God’.
For being a Muslim willing to defend Christians.
For putting faith on the agenda in the face of much opposition.
Look at the fact that it remained on the news agenda for weeks – from the USA to the Indian subcontinent to North Africa.
It kept the commentariat busy and it continues to do so.
Even those hell-bent on dismissing the relevance of faith demonstrated the hunger there is for discussion of the issues through the sheer number of column inches they racked up.
One interesting strand of criticism was from those who said faith was outdated, outmoded and obsolete.
And that nearly 80 per cent of people in Britain who claimed to have a faith in the last Census, including the 72 per cent who said they were Christian, were wrong.
They said that many people who say they are Christians don’t go to church.
A study was even rolled out by our friend Richard Dawkins claiming that half the people who claim to be Christian don’t read the Bible.
But faith isn’t necessarily measured in Church attendance or Bible study.
You cannot quantify what the Holy Father described as ‘the ultimate mystery…the transcendent truth’.
Or measure a person’s connection with their faith or their God.
You can, however, see the expression of faith in public life.
The Bible and the Koran, and I have often quoted both, say that the expression of faith is in public works.
I see the evidence of this every day in the UK.
In the giving of charity.
In the thousands of faith based charities.
In the faith schools that are outperforming their rivals.
In the way that faith has driven great acts of human kindness and has changed history.
And deeper than that, in the solace offered by religion.
One letter I received after the Vatican visit was from a person in Croydon, who, despite the social unrest, the turmoil on their estate, found a refuge in a place that has stood there for centuries:
Their local church.
CHRISTIAN EUROPE
Second, there were those who took issue with my claim that Britain was a Christian country and Europe a Christian continent.
This was a central plank of my argument last month.
The argument that a millennium and a half of the teachings of Jesus have permeated every corner of society.
Shining through our politics, our public life, our culture, our economics, our language and our architecture.
I said that you cannot erase these Christian foundations from the evolution of our nations any more than you can erase the spires from our landscapes.
Or extract it from our values.
Like loving our neighbours…
Acting as the Good Samaritan would…
And doing to others as we would be done by.
Now of course I didn’t mean that you have to be a Christian, or indeed a believer, to do any of these things.
But they are concepts ingrained in our nations through centuries’ presence of Christianity.
Look at the influence of the Bible.
As the Prime Minister argued in his speech last year, this Holy Book, the King James edition in particular, has bequeathed a body of language that permeates every aspect of our culture and heritage.
Shaping our political system and giving us the values which define our country.
Like responsibility, hard work, charity, compassion, humility, working for the common good and honouring the social obligations we have to one another, to our families and our communities.
Values which are needed now more than ever.
FAITH UNDER ATTACK
Third, there were those who said faith was not under attack in the UK, in Europe or further afield.
I see it different. In the UK, in words of the Archbishop of Canterbury, faith is looked down on as the hobby of ‘oddities, foreigners and minorities’.
Religion is dismissed as an eccentricity because it’s infused with tradition.
This is a view put forward by the well-intentioned liberal elite.
Who think that by marginalising faith in society they are creating a space for all faiths.
These people think that I, as a Muslim, would feel more welcome in society if there were no religious symbols, no Established Church.
But they are wrong.
Take my own example in my current role as a British peer.
I am proud to sit alongside Church of England Bishops in the House of Lords.
I’m confident to find myself in the voting lobbies with my Catholic colleagues on issues of conscience.
And I like the variety of debate we have in the Upper House with representation from different faiths.
Indeed, as one elderly correspondent wrote to me following my Vatican visit, she has been given the most help on her bus journey to her church every day by her Muslim and Jewish neighbours because they understood the journey she was making.
But there is a second type of less well-intentioned person perpetrating what I term intolerant secularism:
The anti-religionists, the faith deniers.
Who make a religion out of criticising religion.
Particularly telling was the reaction to the author Alain De Botton who was pilloried for writing a book entitled ‘Religion for Atheists: a Non-Believer’s Guide to the Uses of Religion’ on the unexplored merits of faith for those who don’t have a faith.
It reveals the extent to which this type of closed-minded secularism has taken hold.
There are examples of intolerant secularism across Europe.
First we had no mention of Christianity in the preface of the European Constitution.
Then we had countries banning the wearing of religious symbols in government buildings.
Others banned the building of certain places of worship.
Some refused to fund faith schools.
And now one is writing into its constitution which religions the state will and will not recognise, leaving certain denominations out in the cold.
Further afield religions throughout the wider world, as we know too well, are being persecuted, repressed, silenced and censored.
For me, any such repression stems from insecurity.
Because just as the bully bullies because he or she is insecure…
…so too the state suppresses, marginalises, dictates and dismisses…
…when it feels its identity is at stake.
As I said at the Vatican, one of the most worrying aspects about this militant secularism is that at its core and in its instincts it is deeply intolerant.
It demonstrates similar traits to totalitarian regimes – denying people the right to a religious identity and failing to understand the relationship between religious loyalty and loyalty to the state.
That’s why in the 20th Century, one of the first acts of totalitarian regimes was the targeting of organised religion.
Why? Because, to them, a religious identity struck at the heart of their totalitarian ideology.
In a free market of ideas, they knew their ideology was weak.
And with the strength of religions, established over many years, followed by
many billions…
…their totalitarian regimes would be jeopardised.
FAITH AT THE TABLE
Fourth, there are many people who said that faith in society is tantamount to theocracy.
But what I am calling for is simply for faith to have a seat at the table in public life.
Not the only seat, not a privileged position, but that of an informer of our public debate.
So we are not afraid to acknowledge when the debate derives from a religious basis.
So that we are as confident in taking onboard – and taking on – the solutions offered up by religion as we are in rejecting them.
As I have said, it is the predominance of Christianity in Britain which I believe has created the space for minority faiths.
I have reached this view partly through personal experience.
For growing up in a country where religion is such a fundamental part of society made me feel free to practice my own faith.
I felt that I could be both British and Muslim, and it was the Established Church in this country which reassured me of my identity.
My father explained this very well.
Telling me to see my religious identity, my faith, as a river that changes its appearance according to the bed on which it flows.
The river reflecting the colour and the texture of the bed.
Like the river, my faith reflects the nation I belong to.
So what made me feel even more confident as a British Muslim…
What truly enabled me to learn about my faith and to practice it…
Was that my country – the bed over which the river of my faith flowed – had a strong Christian identity.
This defined, shaped and gave me confidence in my own faith…
Which, combined with the confidence of my country’s principles and values…
Made me feel free to believe, free to practice, and free to be me.
So strongly have I felt this was the case, that I have chosen not an Islamic school for my daughter, nor a secular school…
…but an Anglican convent school.
Where faith was not looked down on or denied or repressed.
Where she found her faith strengthened…
…even adopting the Lord’s Prayer as her own by simply substituting the word ‘Amen’ with ‘Ameen’.
CONCLUSION
I am not a theologian and I am not a historian; I am a politician.
And as a politician of strong personal faith…
Hailing from a country which has its heritage rooted in another faith…
Co-chairing a political party whose history is entwined with Christianity…
Representing a government which has declared its commitment to our Established Church…
I am proud to stand up and to make a stand in the name of faith.
I have had the privilege of speaking on this subject at home and abroad.
And more than anything I am heartened by the appetite there is to engage in the debate.
And yes, of course there are some who doubt that faith is under threat, just because they haven’t seen it.
There are some who doubt faith’s importance in society, just because they haven’t felt it.
There are some who doubt that religion is a guarantor for religious freedom, just because this theory is counter-intuitive.
To those Doubting Thomases I say this:
Whether you have any faith or none, you should take a step back and look at how important faith has been in the past, how important faith is today and the important role it can play in our society’s future.
Thank you very much for listening.
INTRODUCTION
It’s great to see you all here again this year.
I want to start by saying an enormous thank you to Niki Molnar, who is standing down after an excellent year as your Chairman.
Niki, it’s been a great pleasure working with you and we are so grateful for all the work you’ve done.
Thanks to Pauline Lucas, President and ex-Chairman, for her continuing work with the CWO, helping to find women to stand for public life at all levels.
Also thanks to deputy Chairman Thalia Openshaw, who is also stepping down after three years.
And a huge congratulations to Katy Bourne who is stepping up to the role of Chairman.
Four inspirational women. And a fitting way to begin, since our theme today is ‘inspiring women’.
INSPIRATIONAL WOMEN
I have recently been thinking about the women who have inspired me.
When I was asked to go on Radio 4’s Great Lives programme last month, one great life sprung to my mind.
Someone my father used to tell me about as a child: the Turkish princess who became Indian Queen, Razia Sultana.
The first woman to rule South Asia, back in 1236…
…who was handpicked by her father as a successor…
…opposed by the nobility…
…briefly ousted by her brother…
…before regaining the throne and reigning for a successful four years…
…and dying, tragically, at the hands of her enemies.
It was a slightly more dramatic ascent and descent than we see in today’s power struggles.
But the themes of coups, treachery and sibling rivalry are perhaps ones we can still recognise!
So why did a woman from so long ago, from so far away, inspire me?
Because she was a woman succeeding in a man’s world.
While women were subordinated elsewhere, she led men to war.
While most women of the time around the world did not see their role as one of public leadership, she fought on the battlefield.
While she lived in a culture where there were strict rules of dress, she defied convention and rode into battle in men’s attire.
And, most significantly, she insisted on being addressed in the masculine form – as Razia Sultan not Sultana…
…lest anyone imply that her identity was because she was the daughter of or wife of a sultan but that she was, in fact, the sultan herself.
What’s most significant for me is that Razia’s legend lives on not merely for her gender but for her achievements.
For tackling the persecution of minorities.
For spearheading huge infrastructure projects.
For bringing politics into the public sphere.
What she achieved in just a few years is what made her popular and – as I argued in my interview – made her something of a Tory!
And she was certainly not a politician for second-term priorities.
She just got on with the job, as so many women do.
It was particularly timely to be discussing an inspirational female ruler at a time when the showbiz world had refocused everyone’s attention on our greatest peacetime Prime Minister, Lady Thatcher, with the release of the Iron Lady.
As Razia Sultana inspired me as a child, Lady Thatcher inspired me in later life.
Her drive, her determination, her resolve to transform our country, sometimes in the face of fierce opposition, defined her.
EQUALITY
Maybe it was because of the culture or time in which she lived that Razia felt she had to deny or conceal her gender to be successful.
In many ways Lady Thatcher faced similar challenges.
When much was made of her being first female Prime Minister, she was blasé – claiming that she was equally as conscious of being the first research scientist Prime Minister.
You can understand why in public life a gender-denying attitude has been a necessary precursor to success.
But I think today we need a different attitude.
Saying that we are successful because we are women not despite being women.
Today, there is still a problem.
While women take home half the degrees for example, they are still paid 17 per cent less than men and still make up only 15 per cent of board directors.
And we still see discrimination where woman are overlooked for promotion and are seen as ‘not quite up to the job’ once they have had children.
One of the industries where these challenges need to be tackled is in politics.
And that needs to start at home: in our own Party.
Yes, of course there is cause for cheer – we saw a 250 per cent increase in women MPs on the Conservative benches to 49 in the 2010 election.
That is thanks in huge part to the hard work of organisations like the CWO.
But there’s more work to do – women still only represent 16 per cent of the party.
Less than a quarter of our cabinet is female.
While France and Germany’s cabinets comprise more than 30 per cent women…
…and Spain and Sweden’s are more than 50 per cent female.
Of course I understand the challenges of being in Coalition. There are issues with Lib Dem female representation, and it’s something I’ve taken up with the Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg.
There’s so much more we can all do to make politics more representative…
And a lot of it lies with people like you, who can campaign, recruit, persuade and promote to make sure that politics is as much of a woman’s world as a man’s.
I want to find a time when female candidates don’t come up to me and say they’re less likely to be selected than a man.
For me, the need for more women at the top of public life is not in dispute.
IMF managing director Christine Largarde famously said that if the Lehman Brothers had been the Lehman Sisters there may not have been a financial crash.
Whether in the business world or political world, more women at the top will mean wider perspectives on business decisions and a better understanding of policy outcomes.
And who knows, maybe PMQs would be less gladiatorial and the bars in the Commons would be more peaceful…
Evidence backs up the need for more women in the workplace.
The recent Davies Report said that companies with more women on their boards outperform their rivals – with a 42 per cent higher return in sales, 66 per cent higher return on invested capital and 53 per cent higher return on equity.
OUR AIM
So I want us to do something today. I want us to show that this party can lead the way in both promoting gender equality and in demonstrating it.
Why are we best equipped to do so? Because the Conservative Party is the Party of women.
Labour may claim this crown for themselves.
But our history says otherwise.
A Conservative-backed Coalition extended suffrage to women.
Conservative Nancy Astor as the first female MP to take her seat.
The Conservative Women’s Organisation as the first women’s political organisation in the world.
The Conservative Government equalising the voting age.
The Conservative Government allowing women to sit in the Lords.
Conservative MP Margaret Thatcher elected as the first female Prime Minister.
And, as recently as last year, the Conservative-led Coalition ensuring that the first born child of the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge will inherit the throne, regardless of sex.
CONCLUSION
So we as Conservatives have been there at historic moments laying down the marker and forging change
But more needs to be done, by all of us, together.
So I welcome the CWO.
I welcome Women 2 Win.
I welcome the backbench female MPs’ forum, whom I had lunch with earlier this week.
For me, a personal achievement is that the chairman’s team at CCHQ is 70 per cent female.
OK, it’s not quite Beyonce’s all-female band…
But it shows that the Conservative Party is the party of women as much as it is the party of men.
And that together we can support, drive and recruit and all the time strive to ensure that the culture we work in and the world we live in, is as much for women as it is for men…
…where women are recruited on merit and show that they’re doing an amazing job both in my team and across the Party.
Published in The House Magazine, Thursday 1st March
By Sam Macrory
Baroness Warsi tells Sam Macrory that in May’s local elections the coalition will be set aside as the Tories fight for every seat
Sayeeda Warsi is reading through a copy of Tom Watson’s interview in last week’s issue of The House Magazine. The Tory party chairman is not impressed, not least when Labour’s local elections campaign chief suggests that Boris Johnson is a “part-time mayor” with a second, well-paid, job.
“Oh my God, it’s the whole class war thing again,” exclaims Warsi, who is heading her party’s local campaigns. “If the best thing that Tom Watson can come up with is ‘it’s a class war’ – you know, Boris appeals to every class, every background, every race, every religion, every gender – his appeal is so broad. Boris is London.
Compare record to record, not record to pie-in-the-sky promises, anyone can make them. Boris has got a great record, and he’s an iconic guy for this great city in an amazing year.”
Warsi, who spent the day after we met phone-canvassing with Boris, describes his fight for the London mayoralty as “the big iconic election, which is run by Boris, his campaign, based on his record”, and is unimpressed by the Labour candidate.
“The prospect of the world descending on London in 2012 and us projecting to them Ken Livingstone as the face for Britain is enough incentive for me to get out of bed every morning and think this is the election we’ve got to fight. Labour have presented this kind of spent man of the past … it’s not just not good for the Conservatives, it’s not good for London, it’s not good for the country.”
She may be driven to defeat Ken, but Warsi’s attention is also focused on the 131 English councils – and more in Wales and Scotland – being contested on May 3. She accepts that the elections will be “predominantly focused on how did we deal with the budgetary cuts” and, recognising that challenge, Warsi quotes psephological experts Rawlings and Thrasher’s projection of 717 Labour gains and admits surprise to Watson’s prediction of 350.
“As political parties we will expectation-manage, but that is just so far below what they should be doing. When we last fought these elections in 2008… we were on 44 per cent in the polls, there or thereabouts, and Labour were on about 23/24 per cent. If you look at where those polls are now, on those predictions we would expect Labour to gain about 700-plus seats.”
The campaign, she says, will vary from council to council. “You can’t set a national message for local elections; local elections are about local records. Of course, it’s done on the backdrop of a difficult national climate and we’re going to feel that in the local elections, but in the end it’ll come down to how well we can actually deliver on the ground.”
With Warsi speaking at this weekend’s Tory spring forum, delegates will be pleased to hear that there is no suggestion of any pre-election pact with the Tories’ Lib Dem coalition partners.
“We’re not in coalition locally. We are two political parties and the everyday fighting of elections, by-elections, local elections, the referendum last year, I don’t think stalled because you’re in a national coalition dealing with national issues. Ultimately every election we fight builds on the last one we fought and eventually builds up to 2015. A few weeks ago we were out campaigning in Eastleigh [Chris Huhne’s constituency] and before that we were in Cumbria, in Tim Farron’s seat. I don’t stop campaigning.”
And while Warsi accepts that “all political parties are struggling with fundraising”, which she blames as much on the economic climate as the nature of mid-term elections, she insists that the Tory campaign team is “well run, efficient, lean… the biggest peacetime campaign force ever”.
The party’s record, she says, speaks for itself. “We’ve set the political strategy, we set the political message, and we stick to it. You can only judge somebody by how well the job’s done: [last year] we won the referendum and we gained 80 odd seats when we should have lost about 1000. So in that sense we’ve had huge successes in terms of elections. In difficult times we are ready for the battle”. On May 3, we can judge again.
On Friday morning Sayeeda travelled to Leeds to address the Conservative Councillors Association annual conference.
Alongside ministers including Eric Pickles MP, Grant Shapps MP and Bob Neill MP, the Chairman thanked the assembled councillors for their hard work, delivering a record result in the 2011 elections, and discussed the campaign ahead.
Baroness Warsi said: “It’s great to be back in Leeds and to see so many friends. I want to say a huge thanks to the Conservative Councillors Association for making this happen.
“And an even bigger thanks to you – the councillors – for all you’ve done and for all you are doing.”
INTRODUCTION
Your Eminences. Excellencies. Reverend Fathers. Colleagues, Ladies and Gentlemen.
It is an immense honour for me to stand here today…
…in what is, for more than a billion people, the spiritual capital of the world.
And it is a further privilege to lead the largest ever ministerial delegation from the United Kingdom to the Holy See.
To celebrate the relationship between our two states:
The oldest formal diplomatic relationship in my country’s history.
…and today, one of the strongest.
Our diplomatic relationship began here in 1479, only a short distance from where we now stand.
For reasons we all know too well, we broke diplomatic relations…
…only to restore them during the First World War.
This year marks 30 years since full diplomatic relations were re-established between us.
We want to build upon our bond, to show it to the rest of the world, and to let it inspire others.
Because our relationship enables us to act together in the name of the common good:
To promote democracy.
To fight for human rights.
To encourage fair, responsible trade.
To tackle climate change.
And to help build stable nations.
We are grateful for the superb work our Ambassador Nigel Baker is doing here…
…building on the tremendous tenure of his predecessor Francis Campbell.
The UK recognises that, as the smallest state in the world, the Holy See has the widest global reach.
It therefore seems inevitable that the UK with its global reach and historic and current interests should nurture, strengthen and promote our relationship.
The areas upon which, by working together, we can achieve tangible, practical outcomes are both so vast and so important that they, in many ways, contextualise our differences.
And I believe the strength of our relationship can give tremendous hope and inspiration to others across the world.
This year, the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth are celebrating a person who has worked hard to bring our two great states closer.
Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II.
Her Majesty’s visits here to the Vatican over a 60-year reign, and before when she came as a young Princess Elizabeth…
Her work to encourage harmony between Catholics and Protestants…
Her groundbreaking visit to the people of Ireland in 2011…
And her steadfast commitment to all her people…
…are just some of the reasons her Diamond Jubilee makes this year such a special one for my country.
And of course it was on her invitation that the Holy Father graced the United Kingdom with the first papal State Visit in our history.
PAPAL VISIT
The visit of September 2010 was historic, momentous and unforgettable…
…and I want to thank the Holy Father on behalf of all four nations in our country.
The hand of friendship was warmly received across our isles.
Reaching out to Catholics and non-Catholics.
To those of faith and those of none.
From the cheering crowds on the streets of Scotland…
…to those in silent contemplation during the Mass in Birmingham.
And the many millions watching on their television screens or holding special events…
…in school assemblies, community groups and workplaces.
It was a milestone in our relationship, a milestone in UK history – where heart truly spoke unto heart.
On a personal level, I heeded the words of the Holy Father during his landmark speech in Westminster Hall.
And I had the immense honour of enjoying an audience during a special event to promote interfaith relations.
It was a humbling, moving moment for me.
And having made my speech at the Anglican Bishops’ Conference two days earlier on the importance of governments ‘doing God’…
…marking a clean break with the approach from the past, saying that our Government would be on the side of faith….
…the Holy Father urged me to carry on making the case for faith in society.
MAIN ARGUMENT
So today I want to make one simple argument.
That in order to ensure faith has a proper space in the public sphere…
In order to encourage social harmony…
People need to feel stronger in their religious identities, more confident in their beliefs.
In practice this means individuals not diluting their faith…
…and nations not denying their religious heritage.
If you take this thought to its conclusion then the idea you’re left with is this:
Europe needs to become more confident in its Christianity.
Let us be honest:
Too often there is a suspicion of faith in our continent….
…where signs of religion cannot be displayed or worn in government buildings.
…where states won’t fund faith schools.
…and where faith is sidelined, marginalised and downgraded.
It all hinges on a basic misconception:
That somehow to create equality and space for minority faiths and cultures we need to erase our majority religious heritage.
But it is my belief that the societies we are, the cultures we’ve created, the values we hold and the things we fight for…
…stem from something we’ve argued over, dissented from, discussed and built up:
Centuries of Christianity.
It’s what the Holy Father called the “unrenounceable Christian roots of [our] culture and civilisation”.
Which shine through our politics, our public life, our culture, our economics, our language and our architecture.
You cannot and should not erase these Christian foundations from the evolution of our nations any more than you can or should erase the spires from our landscapes.
Let me get one thing very clear:
I am not saying that everything done in the name of faith has been a blessing for our continent.
Too much blood has been shed in the name of religion.
But trying to erase this history or blind ourselves to the role of religion on our continent is wrong.
We need to realise what drives us, what binds us and what inspires us is a history we are in danger of denying.
I know, in a globalised world, it is easy to think that to relate to others you must water down your identity.
But my point today is that being sure of who you are is the only way in which you will be more accommodating of others.
And there is a second strand to this argument.
That true confidence has the power to guarantee openness.
Because only when you’re content in your own identity…
…only when you realise that the ‘Other’ does not jeopardise who you are…
…can you truly accept and not merely tolerate the presence of difference.
Just as the bully bullies because he or she is insecure…
…so too the state suppresses, marginalises, dictates and dismisses…
…when it feels its identity is at stake.
In the United Kingdom, we have guarded against such fear…
…by recognising the importance of the Established Church and our Christian heritage – our majority faith…
And that is what has created religious freedom and a home for people like me, of minority faiths.
Majority faiths and minority faiths – as a Muslim who was born and raised in – and now serves – a Christian country, I have experience of both.
So I hope you will permit me to start by telling you a bit about my early life in the north of England in the 1970s and 80s.
PERSONAL
When I was growing up, as the daughter of Pakistani immigrants, the debate in my country was not about religion but race.
As a teenager what shaped me was the obvious injustice of Apartheid.
In my student days I campaigned for racial equality.
And in the years that followed I launched campaigns to bolster race relations.
But after 9/11 I saw the debate shifting – with difference being defined not by race but by religion.
My loyalty to my country was not in question because of my parents’ home country or even the colour of my skin, but because of the religion I was born into.
I began to look back at my faith and the choices I made, as well as the lessons I learnt from my parents.
I attended a relatively conservative mosque.
My father inspired me to learn – to seek knowledge of both the history of my country and the foundation of my faith.
He said that to truly understand my religion I needed to understand history as much as theology.
He taught me to think about my identity in the following way:
To see my religious identity, my faith, as a river that changes its appearance according to the bed on which it flows.
The river reflecting the colour and the texture of the bed.
Like the river, my faith reflects the nation I belong to.
So what made me feel even more confident as a British Muslim…
What truly enabled me to learn about my faith and to practice it…
Was that my country – the bed over which the river of my faith flowed – had a strong Christian identity.
This defined, shaped and gave me confidence in my own faith…
Which, combined with the confidence of my country’s principles and values….
…Have since been evident in the decisions I’ve taken as an adult.
One decision which I think demonstrates how strongly I believe this…
…was my choice of school for my daughter:
An Anglican convent school.
Many might think it is unusual for a Muslim mother to send her daughter to a Christian school.
But I knew she would be free to follow her faith there…
…that she would not be looked down on because she believed.
And as I had hoped, she found it strengthened her faith.
Allowing her to define her Muslim identity, allowing her to reflect Christianity within that, adopting the Lord’s Prayer as her own by simply substituting the word “Amen” with “Ameen”
It also left her posing a lot of questions about religion.
As she once said to me, during one of the frequent debates about religious symbols:
“Mother Robina is going to get really upset about everyone being nasty about women who wear the hijab, because she wears one.”
As so often is the case, the youth shed light on situations like this and innocence brings clarity…
…with my 9-year-old daughter bringing into sharp focus the similarities between the veil and the hijab.
Summing up exactly why I don’t support the outright banning of religious symbols…
Because, for me, it’s about personal choice and the right to express one’s faith – whatever their faith.
So with my daughter’s school, as with my own upbringing, a strong sense of Christianity didn’t threaten our Muslim identity – it actually reinforced it.
It enabled me to make the case for further interfaith debate, discussion and work.
It motivated me to stand up and speak out against anti-Muslim hatred, the persecution of Christians and anti-Semitism.
And it inspired me to challenge the growing marginalisation of faith in my country and in Europe.
AROUND THE WORLD
As I look around the world today, my resolve is strengthened.
Where we see faith inspiring, driving and motivating good works…
…is where certainty of conviction is at its strongest.
As the Bible teaches us: “For even as the body without the spirit is dead: so also faith without works is dead.”
The Quran teaches us something similar – that:
“those who believe and do good works are the best of created beings”.
We see the proof every day – globally, locally and individually.
From the Catholic Church being instrumental in toppling communism…
…to its key role in securing peace in Northern Ireland.
From the Catholic Schools in the UK, many of which are outperforming other institutions…
…to the domestic response to the earthquake in Haiti, the floods in Pakistan and the drought in East Africa.
And where day by day, faith sustains people through their darkest, most desperate periods…
There is no denying the link between these positive actions and faith.
Perhaps the best example I have seen of this was on my visit to Pakistan last month….
…a visit I promised the late Shahbaz Bhatti, the country’s tragically assassinated minorities minister, I would undertake: meeting the Christian communities of Karachi.
There I met four wonderful sisters at the Convent of Jesus and Mary School, including two Irish nuns.
One of them had spent 58 years of her life teaching girls in Pakistan.
Sister Berchmans, a native of County Clare – one of the most westerly spots in Europe – had left rural Ireland as a young nun to go and work in Pakistan.
There in Karachi, at the age of 80, and wearing her white habit and veil, she led the morning assembly in prayer in English.
And then she led the singing of the Pakistan national anthem in Urdu.
It was remarkable to see and to think of the practical and silent, discreet witness that Sister Berchmans and her fellow Nuns have shown to generations of young Pakistani girls, many of them Muslim…
…and one of them who grew up to become a Prime Minister, the first female to govern the modern Islamic world: the late Benazir Bhutto.
Sister Berchmans did not have to dilute her own faith or require others to dilute theirs.
Rather she was doing what countless generations have done before her – witnessing and living side by side with other cultures and faiths.
With Sister Berchmans rooted in her beliefs, and the Pakistani community she serves unwavering in its…
…I saw not the diminishment of faith but the ultimate enactment of the common good.
And I want to share some news with you today.
Sister Berchmans, and another person of faith who has laboured in Pakistan for over 35 years – Father Robert McCulloch of Australia, who is with us here today…
…have just been recognised for their lifetime of services to the people and development of Pakistan…
And the President of Pakistan have awarded them Pakistan’s highest civilian honour: the Sitarai-e-
Quaid-i-Azam.
INTERFAITH
I believe the same commitment is needed for dialogue and service between faiths to continue to succeed.
Its interlocutors need to demonstrate the strength of faith shown by Sister Berchmans…
…and the strength of appreciation and gratitude shown by the people of Pakistan.
Because different faiths must realise that, just because they don’t worship together, doesn’t mean that they can’t work together.
A great deal of this progress has been made thanks to the efforts of the Catholic Church…
…through its educational outreach or the work of groups like Caritas International and its federation of aid agencies around the world…
…and landmark documents like in Britain Meeting God in Friend and Stranger.
As a UK cabinet minister of the Muslim faith, representing a country with an Anglican Established Church, visiting our friends in the spiritual home of Catholicism…
…you will find no greater champion of understanding between faiths than me.
But I believe that where interfaith dialogue does not work…
…is where faiths are dumbed down in order to find common ground.
Just as the European language of Esperanto, which attempted to build a new tongue, neautralises our component languages…
…a common language between faiths risks watering down the diversity and intensity of our respective religions.
Instead, interfaith dialogue works when we debate our differences, when we wear our beliefs on our sleeves.
It’s not about you giving your version of God, and me giving my version of God.
And us coming to some watered-down compromise.
But about establishing our areas of consensus.
And being firm enough in our devotion to work together.
That’s why, when I visited the Tomb of David in Jerusalem…
…I felt no contradiction saying my nafils, or prayers, in an alternative place of worship.
It’s why when Vatican Two, whose 50th anniversary we celebrate this year, set out Nostra Aetate, its acceptance of other faiths…
…it was not a sign of the church’s weakness of belief, but a sign of its strength.
And why, when the Holy Father made his historic visit to the Blue Mosque in Istanbul…
…he was not weakening his own faith but reaffirming it.
DEFEATING BIGOTRY
The point is that in so many ways, being sure of your faith adds a layer of strength to society.
Confidence in our own beliefs enables us to defend attacks on others.
Faith asks you to stand up for your neighbour.
As the fourth Muslim caliph Ali ibn Abu Talib said:
“Every man is your brother…either your brother in faith or your brother in humanity.”
This is the spirit which inspired Muslims to protect Jews during the Holocaust.
…which motivated Christians to support Muslims fleeing persecution in Darfur…
…and which led Chief Rabbi Sacks to call for action against persecution in Bosnia.
It’s something I’ve been arguing for a long time.
That persecution somewhere is persecution everywhere.
That if you oppress my neighbour you are oppressing me.
That an attack on a gudwara is an attack on a mosque, a church, a temple, a synagogue.
Today I’m moving that thought on…
…and saying that standing up for your neighbour of another faith doesn’t make you less of a Christian, less of a Jew or less of a Muslim – it makes you more of one.
When British Jews stand up to the political factions promoting anti Muslim hatred…
When Christians understand the horrors of the Holocaust and tackle anti-Semitism…
When Muslims and Sikhs stand shoulder to shoulder to protect their temples and Mosques…
…it is not a betrayal of their own faith or a threat to it.
…it is the most powerful demonstration of security in their own faith.
MARGINALISATION OF FAITH
But the confident affirmation of religion which I have spoken of is under threat.
It is what the Holy Father called ‘the increasing marginalisation of religion’ during his speech in Westminster Hall.
I see it in United Kingdom and I see it in Europe.
Spirituality, suppressed.
Divinity, downgraded.
Where, in the words of the Archbishop of Canterbury, faith is looked down on…
…as the hobby of ‘oddities, foreigners and minorities’.
Where religion is dismissed as an eccentricity…
…because it’s infused with tradition.
Where we undermine people who attribute good works to their belief…
…and require them to deny it as their motivation.
And where faith is overlooked in the public sphere…
…with not even a word about Christianity in the preface of the “European Constitution”.
When I pledged that the new government in the United Kingdom would ‘do God’, in some quarters there was uproar.
More telling were the countless comments I received of quiet support…
…a relief that finally someone had said what they had been thinking.
This fact alone shows the extent to which religion has been sidelined by some.
Because in parts of Europe there have been misguided beliefs that in order to accommodate people from other backgrounds, we must somehow become less religious or less Christian.
That somehow society must level itself out so that faith becomes something that is marginalised…
…and limited to the private confines of one’s home or even one’s mind.
But those calls are not coming from other faith communities.
They are coming from two types of people.
First, the well-intentioned liberal elite…
…who, conversely, are trying to create equality by marginalising faith in society.
…who think that the route to religious pluralism is by creating a path of faith-neutrality.
…who downgrade religion to a mere subcategory in public life.
But look at their supposed level playing field.
Its terrain is all but impassable to anyone of belief.
One of the arguments of the liberal elite is that faith and reason are incompatible.
But they don’t realise, as the Holy Father has argued for many years, that faith and reason go hand in hand.
As he said to us in Westminster Hall:
“…the world of secular rationality and the world of religious belief…need one another and should not be afraid to enter into a profound and ongoing dialogue, for the good of our civilisation.”
In other words, just as reason should not be excluded from debates about faith…
…so too spirituality should not be excluded when we look at worldly matters.
Second, there are the anti-religionists, the faith deniers.
The people who dine out on free-flowing media and sustain a vocabulary of secularist intolerance….
…attempting to remove all trace of religion from culture, history and public discourse.
While ignoring the fact that people of faith give more to charity and that the number of people going to a place of worship is globally on the up.
My theory is that we are so afraid – and rightly so – of going backwards in history to the bad days when religion was imposed on people by despotic regimes…
…that we have got to the stage where aggressive secularism is being imposed by stealth.
Leaving us with the ironic situation where, to stave off intolerance against minorities…
…we end up being intolerant towards religion itself.
For me, one of the most worrying aspects about this militant secularisation is that at its core and in its instincts it is deeply intolerant.
It demonstrates similar traits to totalitarian regimes – denying people the right to a religious identity and failing to understand the relationship between religious loyalty and loyalty to the state.
That’s why in the 20th Century, one of the first acts of totalitarian regimes was the targeting of organised religion.
Why? Because, to them, a religious identity struck at the heart of their totalitarian ideology.
In a free market of ideas, they knew their ideology was weak.
And with the strength of religions, established over many years, followed by many billions…
…their totalitarian regimes would be jeopardised.
Our response to militant secularisation today has to be simple.
Holding firm in our faiths.
Holding back intolerance.
Reaffirming the religious foundations on which our societies are built…
And reasserting the fact that, for centuries, Christianity in Europe has been inspiring, motivating, strengthening and improving our societies.
In public life – driving people to do great things, like setting up schools, creating public services, leading the way in charitable acts.
In politics – inspiring parties on both the left and the right.
In economics – providing many of the foundations for our market economy and capitalism.
In culture – influencing our monuments, our music, our paintings, and our engravings.
I’m delighted that the UK Government understands this…
…from supporting faith schools and faith charities at home and abroad…
…to helping religious groups to deliver vital public services…
And, most powerfully, when our Prime Minister spoke out unequivocally about the lasting impact of the King James Bible on our country.
THE FUTURE
But we must take this confident, open faith and apply it beyond the present.
I see a growing problem in some parts of our world today…
…with governments dictating:
What is a church and what isn’t.
Where people can build a place of worship and where they cannot.
Which faith they can belong to and which they cannot.
And whether they can display their beliefs in public or not.
I believe this is a misguided attempt at shoring up majority religions.
These governments need to realise that pluralism is not a threat to tradition.
Closer to home we see a similar suspicion.
For example, from the politicians who say that inviting Turkey to join the European Union is a threat to the roots of Europe and its Christian heritage.
Because they worry that the inclusion of a Muslim-majority country would diminish the Christianity of other countries.
They are mistaken.
The solution is not to shut the door on people of other faiths, but to strengthen our continent’s identity.
Just as German Chancellor Angela Merkel said of her country:
“The problem is not that we have too much Islam, it’s that we have too little Christianity and too few discussions about the Christian view of mankind.”
Those discussions will only come about if Europe is more confident in its Christianity.
So our continent needs the zeal of a convert…
…not from discovering something new but rediscovering something which has underpinned our civilisations for centuries.
FAITH’S SEAT AT THE TABLE
At the same time, politicians need to give faith a seat at the table in public life.
Not the privileged position of a theocracy, but that of an equal informer of our public debate.
So we are not afraid to acknowledge when the debate derives from a religious basis.
And not afraid to take onboard – and take on – the solutions offered up by religion.
Politicians must also not be afraid to speak out when we think people who speak in the name of faith have got it wrong.
For example, in the UK today, Bishops in the House of Lords, the chamber in which I sit, are opposing the government’s reforms to welfare…
…where the government is trying to restore the dignity of work by putting responsibility back at the heart of society.
I welcome the role of the Bishops in scrutinising the legislation.
I support their right to bring their view to the table.
But I reserve the right to disagree.
I am not saying that faith leaders should have a monopoly on morality.
Because, of course, as our Prime Minister David Cameron said, there are Christians who don’t live by a moral code and there are atheists and agnostics who do. But for people who do have a faith, their faith can be a helpful prod in the right direction.
Therefore, I’m arguing that religion needs a role when we look at the problems today.
So that even the most committed atheist can find that those who are committed to religion have something to offer…
…and that faith can be good for society, good for communities and good for those who choose to follow a faith.
When religion has a role in public life, it enables us to look at our economy and refer to the Christian principles on which our markets were founded.
It means we can take solace from teachings such a Rerum Novarum and Caritas in Veritate, which offer up answers for creating moral markets.
It means we can look at our social problems and be inspired by Catholic Social Teaching.
…looking at our welfare system and thinking, how does this impact on human dignity?
…looking at social breakdown and thinking, are we reinforcing responsibility between citizens?
…looking at governance and thinking, are we relying on large organisations to do what smaller units could achieve?
…all the while thinking and remembering that many of our values…
…loving our neighbours…
…acting as the Good Samaritan would…
…supporting and championing the family unit…
…doing to others as you would be done by…
… are Biblical, spiritual and religious in their origin.
UNDERSTANDING FAITH
This action at a national and at a political level should have an impact at a social level.
Where individuals’ stronger rooting in their own religion will inspire a stronger understanding of faith.
And there is no better remedy to the distortion of our respective faiths.
As the Holy Father said last year in Assisi:
“[Violence] is not the true nature of religion. It is the antithesis of religion and contributes to its destruction.”
Yet it remains a sad fact that in the modern world we see faith hijacked in the name of evil acts.
Utterly contrary to the teachings of the mainstream religions of the world.
Perhaps if states were more rooted in their religious heritages then faiths would be less prone to being distorted and hijacked for political gains.
At the same time it is this distortion which leads to believers being victimised for the actions of their co-religionists.
Whether it’s Christians in Pakistan…
Muslims in the USA…
Or Jews in Britain…
Targeted, victimised and facing the backlash of actions by their co-religionists.
It’s unacceptable and it must stop.
CONCLUSION
I started today by talking about the bond between the UK and the Holy See…
…about how we have overcome our differences to form our oldest formal diplomatic relationship.
I established that appreciating these differences was a sign of our strength, not weakness.
And this strength of identity has shone through…
…in our actions in the name of the common good…
…in the Holy Father’s State Visit to the UK in 2010…
…and, I trust, in our visit today.
Today I am urging individuals and nations to take the same approach when it comes to faith.
And saying that in order to create harmony…
…people need to strengthen their own identity…
…being sure of their nation’s religious foundations…
…and secure in their own beliefs.
At a time of great change taking place throughout the Muslim world, particularly during the Arab awakening.
Many countries, political parties and individuals are redefining their identity.
They are looking to their faith as source of inspiration to define the values by which they want to govern.
This is a great opportunity for them…
…to show that good governance can be rooted in religion….
…to show the world the true, peaceful spirit of religion…
…to demonstrate that defending your neighbour, whatever their faith, is an obligation defined by religion….
….to openly say that their countries are a home for all people of any religion.
…recognising that defending another faith does not diminish your own…
…being sure of your foundations and protecting minorities…
…preventing faith from being undermined and creating a space for faith – any faith – to thrive.
For Europe this means becoming more confident in its Christianity…
…and with that confidence, becoming more open.
People need to realise that, in our continent and beyond, Christianity’s teachings and values…
…are as permanent as Westminster Abbey…
…as indelible as Da Vinci’s Last Supper…
…and as solid as Christ the Redeemer.
And that Christianity is as vital to our future as it is to our past.
Our two states have lots to learn and much to teach…
…and I have hope, and yes faith, that others will continue with us on this path.
Published in The Telegraph, Tuesday 14th February 2012
Today I have the honour of leading the largest ministerial delegation from the United Kingdom to the Vatican – our reciprocal visit following the momentous State Visit of His Holiness Pope Benedict XVI in September 2010.
We will be celebrating the decision Margaret Thatcher took 30 years ago to restore full diplomatic relations between our countries. The relationship between the UK and the Holy See is our oldest diplomatic relationship, first established in 1479. And today, thanks to the great success of the Pope’s visit, it is one of the strongest too.
But this trip is about more than a Valentine’s Day “love in” with our Catholic neighbours. This is about recognising the deep and intrinsic role of faith here in Britain and overseas. For a number of years I have been saying that we need to have a better understanding of faith in our country. Why? Because I profoundly believe that faith has a vital and important role to play in modern society. But mistakenly, faith has been neglected, undermined – and yes, even attacked – by governments in recent years.
When I met the Holy Father in 2010 he told me that he had heard what I had been saying and urged me to carry on making my case robustly. So today, I am taking a renewed message to the Vatican City; one which I want to ring out beyond the Vatican walls.
I will be arguing that to create a more just society, people need to feel stronger in their religious identities and more confident in their creeds. In practice this means individuals not diluting their faiths and nations not denying their religious heritages.
This is a message I’ve delivered on these pages before. But today I will be taking the argument one step further. I will be arguing for Europe to become more confident and more comfortable in its Christianity. The point is this: the societies we live in, the cultures we have created, the values we hold and the things we fight for all stem from centuries of discussion, dissent and belief in Christianity.
These values shine through our politics, our public life, our culture, our economics, our language and our architecture. And, as I will say today, you cannot and should not extract these Christian foundations from the evolution of our nations any more than you can or should erase the spires from our landscapes.
My fear today is that a militant secularisation is taking hold of our societies. We see it in any number of things: when signs of religion cannot be displayed or worn in government buildings; when states won’t fund faith schools; and where religion is sidelined, marginalised and downgraded in the public sphere.
It seems astonishing to me that those who wrote the European Constitution made no mention of God or Christianity. When I denounced this tendency two days before the Holy Father’s State Visit in September 2010, saying that government should “do God”, I received countless messages of support. The overwhelming message was: “At last someone has said it”.
That so many people felt moved to write showed just how uneasy they were at the rising tide of secularism.
For me, one of the most worrying aspects about this militant secularisation is that at its core and in its instincts it is deeply intolerant. It demonstrates similar traits to totalitarian regimes – denying people the right to a religious identity because they were frightened of the concept of multiple identities.
That’s why in the 20th century, one of the first acts of totalitarian regimes was the targeting of organised religion.
Of course there is a crucial caveat to all of this. I am not calling for some kind of 21st century theocracy. Religious faith and its followers do not have the only answer. There will be times when politicians and faith leaders will disagree. What is more, secularism is not intrinsically damaging. My concern is when secularisation is pushed to an extreme, when it requires the complete removal of faith from the public sphere. So I am calling for a more open confidence in faith, where faith has a place at the table, though not an exclusive position.
When we look at the deep distrust between some communities today, there is no doubt that faith has a key role to play in bridging these divides. If people understand that accepting a person of another faith isn’t a threat to their own, they can unite in fighting bigotry and work together to create a more just world.
All the major religions ask their followers to stand up for their neighbours. Doing so doesn’t make you less of a Christian, less of a Jew, less of a Muslim – it makes you more of one.
So when I have my second audience with the Holy Father tomorrow afternoon, I will not just be looking back on his remarkable visit. I will be giving him my absolute commitment to continue fighting for faith in today’s society. I hope this is something we can share in and I hope it reinforces this extraordinary relationship between the UK and the Holy See.
Published in the Financial Times, Saturday 4th February
By Hester Lacey
Sayeeda Warsi, 40, co-chair of the Conservative party and minister without portfolio, is the first female Muslim to serve as a minister in a British government. She was made a life peeress in 2007.
What was your earliest ambition?
To be one of the Famous Five; free in a place without too many rules.
Public school or state school? University or straight into work?
Birkdale High School; Dewsbury College and then Leeds university. My education was a privilege. A lot of Asian girls had traditional parents, and had to fight to stay at school, while my parents were very encouraging.
Who was or still is your mentor?
A law teacher at college called Andrea. Her approach was life-changing. Dad, who’s always had a get-up-and-go approach. In terms of politics, Michael Howard.
How physically fit are you?
More than I was six months ago. I could run for two minutes back then, now I can run for 30.
Ambition or talent: which matters more to success?
Success comes because people are in the right place at the right time.
Have you ever taken an IQ test?
Not that I’m aware of.
How politically committed are you?
Right now, my political commitment is my life.
Do you consider your carbon footprint?
I don’t have a large carbon footprint. We offset a lot in terms of government travel. I use public transport and I try and walk. I obsess about food miles and always go for local products.
Do you have more than one home?
More than one house, but only one home.
What would you like to own that you don’t currently possess?
Another few hours in the day; to own time.
What’s your biggest extravagance?
Massages and spa treatments.
In what place are you happiest?
At home.
What ambitions do you still have?
There are a couple more political jobs that I would love to do. And another couple of jobs after politics. I think everybody should have at least three careers; I hope to have a few more.
What drives you on?
This sounds a bit twee, but creating understanding between people. If I can play my role in bringing people with differences together, that’s what drives me.
If you had a coat of arms, what would be on it?
The scales of justice. The Conservative logo; the hand and the torch and the tree. A crescent – with the Union flag superimposed.
Five stars for my five children. In the middle, a rock of Yorkshire stone with a Yorkshire rose to represent my husband
What is the greatest achievement of your life so far?
So far, we’re lucky enough to have some really sensible kids.
What has been your greatest disappointment?
Never being MP for Dewsbury – I always wanted to represent my home town. On a personal level, I believe in marriage, and have been married for a second time. Divorce and the fact that things sometimes don’t work out is always a disappointment.
If your 20-year-old self could see you now, what would she think?
“How the hell did you end up where you have ended up?”
If you lost everything tomorrow, what would you do?
I would think, “right, what’s the next big challenge?” You can make anything of yourself if you’re determined.
Do you believe in assisted suicide?
No. I can understand why people can feel life has become intolerable, but that path is a slippery slope. It’s such a personal judgment and it would be very hard to regulate and legislate.
Do you believe in an afterlife?
I do.
If you had to rate your satisfaction with your life so far, out of 10, what would you score?
9.5. I’m very satisfied.
Published in The Daily Telegraph, Monday 16th January
By Peter Oborne
As the traumatic events of the weekend show all too vividly, Pakistan is one of the most turbulent and unstable countries in the world, and a diplomatic nightmare.
But Britain has a secret weapon – Sayeeda Warsi. With her Punjabi heritage, local languages and easy manner, the Conservative Party chairman can reach parts of the Pakistan political system that other government ministers cannot.
As I witnessed at first hand last week, David Cameron has licensed Baroness Warsi to operate as Britain’s unofficial envoy. The Tory chairman flew into a first-rate crisis set off by the potentially deadly stand-off between government and military. The defence secretary had just been fired.
Within hours she was at the Pakistan foreign office for a meeting lasting well over an hour with Pakistan’s newly promoted – and extremely beautiful – foreign secretary, Hinna Rabbani Khar. Just 34 years old, the University of Massachusetts-educated Khar is the latest star phenomenon to hit the Islamabad scene and is suddenly being tipped as a potential successor to Asif Ali Zardari, should the government fall this week.
For the rest of the day, Baroness Warsi spoke by telephone to most of the main players in the Pakistan impasse – her mission being to help defuse the crisis and preserve a tottering democracy. Pakistan has lurched between military dictatorship and democracy since independence 60 years ago. A succession of military coups has meant that never once has power changed hands democratically in all that time – and it is possible that next year’s elections, too, may end up being cancelled.
The background to this turbulence is the cold war between the United States and Pakistan, following a series of deadly incursions by the US into Pakistani territory. As a close ally of the United States, Britain’s standing in Pakistan is being diminished – polls show that 82 per cent of Pakistanis regard Britain unfavourably.
This was the troubled background to Baroness Warsi’s conversations with President Zardari, his prime minister Yousuf Gilani, and a range of other politicians including Imran Khan, the former cricketer turned politician whose Movement for Justice enjoys huge popularity after a surge in recent months.At the end of the day, Baroness Warsi briefed William Hague over a secure phone. “I told him there would not be a coup d’état,” she said to me afterwards. “I just hope that I am not proved wrong.”
In between the calls, she gave an interview on Pakistan state television with presenter Moeed Pizada. Baroness Warsi used this media opportunity ruthlessly to reach out beyond Pakistan’s notoriously thin political elite to PTV’s mass rural audience. Elegant in her shalwar khameez, Baroness Warsi lapsed into Urdu, the local language, as she dealt with viewers’ questions.These reflected the concerns of ordinary Pakistanis about Britain’s super-tight visa and immigration controls. Pizada asked her whether, as the daughter of an immigrant herself, she was not betraying her heritage by supporting anti-immigrant policies.She replied that times had changed since her family arrived in Britain in the 1950s, and that it was important to protect jobs for British workers.Later I asked Pizada about the effect Baroness Warsi had had on her Pakistani audience. He said she was seen as the voice of a new, multicultural Britain and that the interest of viewers had risen sharply after she switched to Urdu, with hundreds of questions coming in.But he added that he was disappointed with the shallowness of her answer when she was asked why Britain did not do more to defend Pakistan’s interests against the United States, which is widely hated in Pakistan.
This is sensitive territory for Baroness Warsi because of the British relationship with the US. When I raise the sensitive subject of US drone attacks in Pakistan’s tribal areas, she says: “It’s not for us to answer that. What we have said is that the sovereignty of a nation has to be respected.“Pakistan and ISAF [the International Security Assistance Force] are fighting the same enemy. People who want to destabilise Pakistan are the same people who want to destabilise us.”Baroness Warsi may be a British minister, but she is also a first-generation Pakistani migrant. Her father, Safdar Hussein, arrived in Britain in 1971 from Bewal, a tiny Punjab village, as a mill worker. Throughout Pakistan she is held up as an astonishing success story for the Pakistani immigrant community and an inspiration for millions. When she wore a shalwar khameez for her first meeting of the David Cameron cabinet in May 2010 the picture was a sensation in Pakistan and across much of the Muslim world.It is this background that gives her the power and authenticity to push the British government message to a hostile audience. She is heard in a different way, even though she sticks to the official line. This gives her the ability to spell out hard truths about religion and tolerance.
After Islamabad we flew to Karachi, where Baroness Warsi headed to the Jesus and Mary Convent, a Catholic school. She told the girls about her background: “My father came from a very poor family. They couldn’t afford shoes. Sometimes when the ground was very hard his brothers gave him a piggy back to get to the fields.” She told the children that their aspirations should be unlimited: “Anything is possible. Perhaps a future prime minister is standing among us today.” Upstairs, at breakfast with the Irish nuns who ran the convent school, she heard about the increasing danger on the Karachi streets, the threat of kidnappings and the risk of terrorist attack. “Twenty years ago I used to be able to walk along the beach,” says one nun. “I couldn’t do that now.” Then Baroness Warsi travels to St Patrick’s Cathedral for a meeting with Evarist Pinto, Archbishop of Karachi, who faces a hard job combating a rising tide of hostility to Christianity across Pakistan. He notes she is not carrying a handbag. “My father was a mill worker and I like to stay connected with my roots,” she says. The archbishop talks of the growing persecution of Christians, revealing that church property has been seized in the Punjab.The baroness offers to ring Shahbazz Shariff, Punjab’s chief minister. “What is the point of being in a position of influence if you don’t influence anybody?” she asks. “I should be raising these difficult issues because otherwise I am not committed to faith.” She tells the archbishop she believes in fighting for minorities – whether Christians in Pakistan or Muslims in the UK (a stance for which she has sometimes been criticised by Conservatives in Britain).
Baroness Warsi broke down in tears at her next destination – the headquarters of the famous sage Abdul Sattar Edhi, whose private charitable foundation is the nearest thing Pakistan has to a functioning welfare state. He now runs the second largest ambulance service in the world, while his orphanages have rescued countless children.Young women, rescued from the streets, are being taught arts and crafts. Baroness Warsi was cradling five-year-old Zainal – whose father is dead and whose mother is in psychiatric care – when she was overcome by emotion and had to leave the room to dry her tears.Northern, working-class and Muslim, Sayeeda Warsi has evolved a language of diplomacy that is all her own. She takes people with her, rather than dictates. She represents modern multicultural Britain in all its complexity, and she’s a Conservative. She is on her way to inventing a new type of politics for the looming age of authenticity.
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